Kofi Annan, Diplomat Who Redefined the U.N., Dies at 80

Kofi Annan, a soft-spoken and patrician diplomat from Ghana, who became the seventh secretary general of the United Nations, projecting himself and his organization as the world’s conscience and moral arbiter despite bloody debacles that left indelible stains on his record as a peacekeeper, died on Saturday. He was 80.

His death, after a short illness, was confirmed by his family in a statement from the Kofi Annan Foundation, which is based in Switzerland.

Awarded the Nobel Peace Prize in 2001, he was the first black African to head the United Nations, and led the organization for two successive five-year terms beginning in 1997 — a decade of turmoil that challenged the sprawling body and redefined its place in a changing world.

On his watch as what the Nobel committee called Africa’s foremost diplomat, Al Qaeda struck New York and Washington, the United States invaded Iraq, and Western policymakers turned their sights from the Cold War to globalization and the struggle with Islamic militancy.

An emblem as much of the body’s most ingrained flaws as of its grandest aspirations, Mr. Annan was the first secretary general to be chosen from the international civil servants who make up the United Nations’ bureaucracy.

He was credited with revitalizing its institutions, crafting what he called a new “norm of humanitarian intervention,” particularly in places where there was no peace for traditional peacekeepers to keep, and, not least, in persuading Washington to unblock arrears withheld because of the profound misgivings about the body voiced by American conservatives.

His tenure was rarely free of debate, and he was likened in stature to Dag Hammarskjold, the second secretary general, who died in a mysterious plane crash in Africa in 1961.

In 1998, Mr. Annan traveled to Baghdad to negotiate directly with Saddam Hussein over the status of United Nations weapons inspections, winning a temporary respite in the long battle of wills with the West but raising questions about his decision to shake hands — and even smoke cigars — with the dictator.

In fact, Mr. Annan called the 2003 invasion of Iraq illegal and suffered an acute personal loss when a trusted and close associate, the Brazilian official Sérgio Vieira de Mello, his representative in Baghdad, died in a suicide truck bombing in August 2003 that struck the United Nations office there, killing many civilians.

The attack prompted complaints that Mr. Annan had not grasped the perils facing his subordinates after the ouster of Mr. Hussein.

While his admirers praised his courtly, charismatic and measured approach, he was hamstrung by the inherent flaw of his position as what many people called a “secular pope” — a figure of moral authority bereft of the means other than persuasion to enforce the high standards he articulated.

As secretary general, Mr. Annan, like all his predecessor and successors, commanded no divisions of troops or independent sources of income. Ultimately, his writ extended only as far as the usually squabbling powers making up the Security Council — the highest U.N. executive body — allowed it to run.

In his time, those divisions deepened, reaching a nadir in the invasion of Iraq. Over his objections, the campaign went ahead on the American and British premise that it was meant to disarm the Iraqi regime of chemical weapons, which it did not have — or, at least, were never found.

Iraq also brought embarrassment closer to home when reports began to surface in 2004 that Mr. Annan’s son, Kojo Annan, worked for Cotecna Inspection Services, a Geneva-based company that had won a lucrative contract in a vast humanitarian program supervised by the United Nations in Iraq and known as oil for food.

A commission led by Paul A. Volcker concluded that the secretary general had not influenced the awarding of the contract, but had not investigated aggressively once questions were raised.

The secretary general said he took the commission’s findings as exoneration, but his reputation suffered, particularly in the eyes of adversaries in Washington.

In assessing his broader record, moreover, many critics singled out Mr. Annan’s personal role as head of the United Nations peacekeeping operations from 1993 to 1997 — a period that saw the killing of 18 American service personnel in Somalia in October 1993, the deaths of more than 800,000 Rwandans in the genocide of 1994, and the bloody massacre of 8,000 Bosnian Muslims by Bosnian Serb forces at Srebrenica in 1995.

In Rwanda and Bosnia, United Nations forces drawn from across the organization’s member states were outgunned and showed little resolve. In both cases, troops from Europe were quick to abandon their missions. And in both cases, Mr. Annan was accused of failing to safeguard those who looked to United Nations soldiers for protection.

“Annan felt that the very countries that had turned their backs on the Rwandans and Bosnians were the ones making him their scapegoat,” Samantha Power, an author who later became ambassador at the United Nations during the Obama administration, wrote in 2008. “But he knew that his name would appear in the history books beside the two defining genocidal crimes of the second half of the 20th century.”

Despite the serial setbacks, Mr. Annan commanded the world stage with ease in his impeccably tailored suits, goatee beard and slight, graceful physique — attributes that made him and his second wife, Nane Lagergren, a global power couple.

He seemed to radiate an aura of probity and authority. “How do we explain Kofi Annan’s enduring moral prestige,” the Canadian author, politician and academic Michael Ignatieff wrote in a review of Mr. Annan’s 2012 memoir, “Interventions.”

“Personal charisma is only part of the story,” Mr. Ignatieff wrote. “In addition to his charm, of which there is plenty, there is the authority that comes from experience. Few people have spent so much time around negotiating tables with thugs, warlords and dictators. He has made himself the world’s emissary to the dark side.”

The desire to burnish his legacy seemed to motivate Mr. Annan long after Ban Ki-moon replaced him as secretary general, and he set up a nonprofit foundation to promote higher standards of global governance. In 2008, he headed a commission of eminent Africans that persuaded rival factions in Kenya to reconcile a year after more than 1,000 people were killed during and after disputed elections.

In February 2012, Mr. Annan was appointed as the joint envoy of the Arab League and the United Nations to seek a settlement as civil war tightened its grip on Syria. But he resigned in frustration in August of that year, citing the intransigence of both sides in a conflict that convulsed and reshaped the region and claimed hundreds of thousands of lives.

Kofi Atta Annan was born on April 8, 1938, in the city of Kumasi in what was then Gold Coast and which, in 1957, became Ghana, the first African state to achieve independence from British colonialism. Born into an aristocratic family, he had three sisters, two of them older. The third, Efua, was a twin who died in the 1990s.

After a spell at the elite Mfantsipim boarding school founded by Methodists, he went on to higher education as an economist in Ghana, at Macalester College in St. Paul, in Geneva, and at the M.I.T. Sloan School of Management.

In 1965, he married Titi Alakija, a woman from a prosperous Nigerian family. The couple had two children, a daughter, Ama, and a son, Kojo. The marriage foundered in the late 1970s.

In 1984, Mr. Annan married Ms. Lagergren, a divorced lawyer working at the United Nations. She, too, was a scion of a prominent family, a niece of Raoul Wallenberg, the Swedish diplomat who protected thousands of Hungarian Jews during World War II but disappeared after being captured by Soviet forces. Ms. Lagergren had a daughter, Nina, from her first marriage.

He is survived by Ms. Lagergren, along with Ama, Kojo and Nina.

Most of Mr. Annan’s working life was spent in the corridors and conference rooms of the United Nations, but, he told the author Philip Gourevitch in 2003, “I feel profoundly African, my roots are deeply African, and the things I was taught as a child are very important to me.”

His first appointment with a United Nations agency was in 1962, at the World Health Organization in Geneva. Mr. Annan returned briefly to Ghana to promote tourism and worked in Ethiopia with the U.N. Economic Commission for Africa before returning to the body’s European headquarters.

Later, in New York, he worked at first in senior human resources and budgetary positions, and, in the early 1990s, the former secretary general, Boutros Boutros Ghali of Egypt, appointed him first as deputy, then as head of peacekeeping operations.

The appointment plunged Mr. Annan into a maelstrom of conflicts where United Nations forces were deployed. As genocide approached Rwanda in 1994 — months after the downing of a Black Hawk helicopter in Mogadishu, Somalia, and the killing of American service personnel — the Clinton administration in Washington had little appetite for intervention.

But on the ground, the Canadian commander, Lt. Gen. Roméo Dallaire, heading a modest force of 2,500 United Nations troops, sought permission from Mr. Annan’s office to raid an arms cache that he believed would be used in massacres. Permission was refused. Only years later, after the release of a critical report in 1999, did Mr. Annan declare that “all of us must bitterly regret that we did not do more to prevent it. On behalf of the United Nations, I acknowledge this failure and express my deep remorse.”

In Bosnia, too, the United Nations was accused of being overcautious and restricted by the mandate approved by the Security Council for the establishment of so-called safe havens under United Nations protection that proved, in Srebrenica, to be illusory. European powers opposed airstrikes to halt the advancing Bosnian Serbs, who overran Srebrenica despite the presence of peacekeeping troops from the Netherlands.

Later that year, Mr. Annan seemed to adopt a tougher line, approving the NATO bombing campaign that forced Serbia to the negotiating table for the Daytona peace accords. At that time, airstrikes required a so-called dual key approval of the NATO command and the United Nations.

“When Kofi turned it,” Richard Holbrooke, the former American envoy, told Mr. Gourevitch, “he became secretary general in waiting.” With Washington pressing for the ouster of Mr. Boutros Ghali, Mr. Annan took office as secretary general with American approval on Jan. 1, 1997.

He was, Ms. Power wrote, “the primary guardian of the U.N. rule book,” which insisted on the paramountcy of the Security Council as what Mr. Annan called “the sole source of legitimacy” in approving overseas interventions. Those rules were openly flouted by NATO in March 1999, with its bombing of the former Yugoslavia, forcing Mr. Annan to seek some kind of middle ground.

“It is, indeed, tragic that diplomacy has failed,” he said on the first day of NATO bombing, choosing words that largely defined the dilemmas confronting policymakers throughout and beyond his tenure, “but there are times when the use of force may be legitimate in the pursuit of peace.”

“We will not, and we cannot accept a situation where people are brutalized behind national boundaries,” he continued later as the 78-day aerial campaign ended its second week of efforts to halt a crackdown on ethnic Albanians in Kosovo.

“For at the end of the 20th century, one thing is clear: A United Nations that will not stand up for human rights is a United Nations that cannot stand up for itself.”

A Never-Ending Hunger Season Is Plaguing South Sudan

JUBA, South Sudan — The hunger season came early this year.

By February, once seen as a time of plenty, Nyabolli Chok had run out of food for her three children in their village here in South Sudan. She knew they had to leave.

“We were eating leaves off of trees,” she said, describing how she boiled them into a watery soup.

“Ron reath,” she said — her words for the hunger season. South Sudan’s dozens of ethnic groups use different names for the months when food becomes scarce until the next harvest. But the fears are the same: malnutrition, disease, even death.

And this year is expected to be the worst yet.

More than four years of civil war — most of this young country’s existence — have chased millions from their homes, leaving countless farms abandoned. The economy has been obliterated. Fighting has overcome some of the nation’s most productive land. Food prices are ruinously high.

Even during harvest time in January, when food was most abundant, more than five million people — almost half the population — did not have enough to eat. Now, as food runs out over the next few months, international officials expect that number to grow considerably, with millions potentially facing acute malnutrition.

This year’s harvest was the smallest on record since South Sudan gained independence from Sudan in 2011, with the country producing only a fraction of its needs, according to the World Food Program.

On top of that, peace talks have stalled and cease-fires have largely been ignored, which means the fighting has cut off some areas from emergency help. Aid workers have even been targeted by government and rebel fighters alike, making food distribution increasingly difficult.

Even here in the capital, which had been largely immune to the food crisis, many families are finding it impossible to pay the steep prices demanded in the city’s markets, their options vanishing as the currency crashes.

Families from across the country pile into a clinic for malnourished children, setting aside the political and ethnic divides that have torn this new nation to shreds. Some mothers come from areas backing the government. Others have husbands, brothers and sons who fight for the rebels.

Dozens of the women lie outside on the floor, their children wrapped in blankets. The signs of malnutrition are clear: Swollen bellies and emaciated limbs. Skin hanging in folds from tiny bones. Bodies covered in open sores, the painful result of edema breaking the skin.

Cecilia Kideen struggled to feed her 9-month-old daughter Sarah. Her breast milk is not enough, as she barely eats one meal a day.

“The mothers,” she said, “are really suffering.”

South Sudan, the world’s newest nation, was born from an enormous international push to end decades of conflict between the north and south of what was then Sudan.

But just two years later, the new country was at war.

In December 2013, a feud between forces loyal to President Salva Kiir and Vice President Riek Machar quickly descended into a conflict that has fractured the nation, killed tens of thousands of people and decimated what was already one of the world’s least developed nations.

“There are very few populations that are escaping the impacts of hunger,” said Elizabeth White, Oxfam’s South Sudan policy adviser. “But all roads lead back to conflict and insecurity.”

Talks between the government and opposition leaders have been postponed. But even if peace can be reached, the hunger crisis still looms.

The civil war in South Sudan has set off the largest refugee crises in Africa since the Rwandan genocide, the United Nations says. More than two million people have fled the country, crippling food production. Nearly two million others have abandoned their homes and remain scattered around the country, leaving behind ghost towns and untended fields.

At the nation’s southern border, dozens of refugees cross a narrow bridge into Uganda each day, bringing stories of hunger with them.

Mary Yar, 20, arrived with her 1-year-old son at a small reception center on the Ugandan side. At the site, the first assessment refugees go through is a malnutrition screening

“There is no food there,” Mrs. Yar said of her home village, pointing back toward the bridge to South Sudan.

During the height of the hunger season last year, South Sudanese refugees arrived by the thousands, said Geoffrey Chandiga, a child assessment officer.

He keeps a tally of new arrivals on a whiteboard, noting that officials are bracing for an uptick in refugees in the months ahead.

Two years ago, South Sudan’s war expanded into southern parts of the country that had long been seen as the country’s breadbasket. People flooded across the Ugandan border. Most have yet to return.

When United Nations peacekeepers visited the areas in early 2017, they saw entire villages burned to the ground.

Under a sharp midmorning sun in the capital, Elizabeth Kenyi and her husband, Johnson Ali, plucked vegetables from their garden along the White Nile, a tributary of the Nile.

For two decades, they have sold their okra, peppers and tomatoes in a nearby market. But even with a plentiful harvest this year, they are finding it harder than ever to feed their family of seven.

“The money that I got from the garden is useless,” Mr. Ali said.

While their produce commands a higher price than it did last year, prices for the staple grains they buy, like maize and sorghum, are climbing fast.

South Sudan’s currency is in free fall and hyperinflation has squeezed virtually everyone. Before the war, one American dollar was worth about five South Sudanese pounds. By March, a dollar was worth about 220 pounds.

The impact has been devastating. A 2017 World Food Program report determined that the relative price of a meal in South Sudan was among the highest in the world.

It found that people here typically needed to spend 155 percent of their daily income for a single plate of bean stew. To put it another way, a meal that would cost a New Yorker just $1.20 would cost someone in Juba the equivalent of $321.70.

With agriculture in tatters, emergency aid is keeping a growing share of the country alive.

By early 2018, half of South Sudan’s population relied on food aid, according to the United Nations, and the percentage will grow as the hunger season reaches its peak in the coming weeks.

But delivering that aid is another matter entirely. The rainy season hits during these lean months, too, turning many roads into rivers of impassable mud.

Beyond that, at least 100 humanitarian workers have been killed here since the start of the conflict, 30 in the last year alone, targeted by warring parties that think the efforts are helping their enemies.

Even within the protected camps set up around the country by the United Nations, there is not enough food to go around.

Mrs. Chok, the woman who boiled leaves for her children, had been at a protected area in Juba for a month. The camps sprang up in 2013 as ethnic minorities who feared violence from government forces and their supporters fled to the base of the United Nation’s Peacekeeping mission. Many stayed, and the camps have sprawled into makeshift cities ringed by barbed-wire fences.

The United Nations provides food to registered camp residents, but thousands inside have no official status, so they rely on their neighbors for food. The rations are simply not enough.

Aid workers say that so much of the country is on the move — with vast numbers of people fleeing places where violence erupts — that most new arrivals to Mrs. Chok’s camp have not been registered in more than a year. That means she and countless others receive nothing.

Staying inside the camps is dangerous enough. Attacks and sexual abuse by camp officers have been widely reported. Other accounts have emerged of women trading sex for food. But leaving the camp brings an entirely new set of risks.

Tafisa Nyattie, 30, who has lived in a camp here since 2013, has six children. Her food rations regularly run out, so she leaves the camp daily to gather firewood, hoping to earn enough money for milk and soap to wash her children’s clothes.

She walks up to three hours in each direction, braving threats from government forces before returning with a large bundle of wood on her head.

“They will rape you or beat you, and sometimes they kill you,” Mrs. Nyattie said, recounting the well-documented dangers women have faced in the conflict. “Some government soldiers tried to rape me.”

On another day, she said, she was beaten and her leg was badly injured. But when she saw how hungry her children were, she decided she had no choice but to head back out again.

“You just go, and you don’t know if you will come back to your children,” Mrs. Nyattie said.

The malnutrition clinic offers a chilling glimpse of what this hunger season may hold.

The hospital ward, frequently dark because of intermittent electricity, is treating nearly a dozen more children each day than it did this time last year. They come from around the country to be weighed, measured and given antibiotics and a milk formula before moving onto Plumpy’Nut, a peanut-based nutritional paste — if their bodies can handle it.

Many of the families here are not even victims of the horrors that have chased millions from their homes. Some have jobs, career plans and families to lean on — yet their children are still going hungry.

Selwa Anania, a restaurant worker from Juba, brought her 2-year-old son, Taban Zacharia, to the clinic. Her small salary does not go far in the market. Most days, it is only enough for a single meal of porridge.

Sylvia George, 27, fanned her 2-year-old son, Mandela Bisa, who lay half-conscious on a bed, hooked up to an intravenous drip. The child’s father is a student at Juba University, and the three live with Ms. George’s mother, whom they rely on for food. There is never enough.

For now, with the peak of the hunger season still weeks away, the clinic manages the steady flow of patients, said Josephin Ruben, the head nutritionist.

But, she noted anxiously, there “will not be enough when we get to June and July.”

Of Crowns and Rings: Images of Royal Weddings Over a Century

The images of royal weddings are some of the most glamorous in our history books. But the events also have a real sticking power, be it in the memories of those who watched a day unfold or as an opulent footnote to an otherwise dreary history lesson.

As Prince Harry prepares to wed Meghan Markle at Windsor Castle on Saturday, we took a look at some royal weddings around the world over the past century. There is another American actress joining the ranks of European royalty, as Grace Kelly marries Prince Rainier of Monaco in 1956. Princess Diana waving from the balcony of Buckingham Palace in 1981, wearing an ivory-silk taffeta dress with 10,000 pearls and a 25-foot train, with Prince Charles at her side.

The former Rania al-Yassin stands in an open-top car moments after her wedding to Prince Abdullah of Jordan in 1993, followed by a motorcade of men clutching machine guns. The sheer color and brilliance of the robes worn by King Jigme Khesar Namgyel Wangchuck of Bhutan and Jetsun Pema as they took their vows in 2011.

There is one unifying factor: In each case, excited crowds watch two people whose personalities have been deliberately obscured, hidden behind a veil of pomp and propriety. What is it about these fairy tale occasions, filled with pageantry and splendor, that so captures the modern imagination? Perhaps it’s those very ingredients.

Here are some images of royal weddings over the years.

On Dec. 11, 1936, the former King Edward VIII climbed the Gothic staircase to his old rooms at Windsor Castle and recorded one of the most famous radio broadcasts in British history. “I have found it impossible to carry the heavy burden of responsibility, and to discharge my duties as king as I would wish to do, without the help and support of the woman I love,” he said.

The woman for whom he had just abdicated was Bessie Wallis Warfield Spencer Simpson, a twice-divorced American. Edward, who became the Duke of Windsor after his abdication, married Ms. Simpson six months later in France, where they spent much of the rest of their lives.

On Nov. 20, 1947, the wedding at Westminster Abbey of Princess Elizabeth, 21, and Lt. Philip Mountbatten, 26, was broadcast by BBC Radio to a country, continent and world still suffering from the atrocities of World War II and the difficulties of rebuilding. The princess’s gown, designed by Norman Hartnell and made of silk, crystals and 10,000 seed pearls, was extravagant given postwar restrictions, but she collected clothing ration coupons to pay for it.

Queen Elizabeth II is Britain’s longest-serving monarch, and she and Prince Philip are the longest-married couple of the British royal family. They celebrated their 70th wedding anniversary in October, and have four children; eight grandchildren, including Prince Harry; and six great-grandchildren.

Rita Hayworth, the Hollywood actress who rose to international fame in the 1940s and 1950s, was often called “the love goddess” by the press. In the late 1940s, she had an open affair with Prince Aly Khan, the son of the Aga Khan, the spiritual leader of millions of Ismaili Muslims. They married in May 1949 in the south of France, but years later she divorced him, as she did four other husbands, including Orson Welles.

While on a trip to Paris, King Bhumibol Adulyadej of Thailand met Sirikit Kitiyakara, whose father, a Thai prince, was a diplomat in Europe at the time. They married in 1950, had four children, and remained revered and unifying figures in a deeply polarized country over the course of more than 65 years.

King Bhumibol died in October 2016, leading to a year of national mourning. He was succeeded by the couple’s son, who was crowned as King Maha Vajiralongkorn Bodindradebayavarangkun.

Grace Kelly, the Philadelphia-born movie star of “To Catch a Thief,” “High Noon” and “Rear Window,” met Prince Rainier III at the Cannes Film Festival in 1955, and she abandoned her career to be with him.

The couple married in Monaco in April 1956, drawing thousands of well-wishers, and their wedding included a reception for 3,000 Monégasque citizens. Ms. Kelly read her vows in French. Four-hundred and fifty yards of silk and lace are said to have been used for the gown, designed by Helen Rose of Metro-Goldwyn-Mayer, that the bride wore for the religious ceremony.

The marriage began a period of revitalization for Monaco, and the princely couple had three children: Caroline, Albert and Stephanie. Princess Grace died at 52 of injuries sustained in a car crash near the family home.

The wedding of Crown Prince Akihito of Japan and Michiko Shoda broke more than 2,600 years of tradition in the world’s most continuous hereditary monarchy: She was the first commoner to marry into the Japanese imperial family. They met on the court at a tennis tournament, in opposing mixed pairs, and their relationship set off a nationwide tennis craze.

The couple married on April 10, 1959, in a brief Shinto ceremony dressed in ancient Japanese style. The bride wore the formal junihitoe, or 12-layered garment — a carefully arranged ensemble that is said to weigh 50 pounds. Akihito wore a flowing robe of bright orange to represent the rising sun. He became emperor in 1989, and has said he will abdicate the throne in 2019. The couple have three children and four grandchildren.

Farah Diba, a commoner 19 years younger than Mohammed Reza Pahlavi, the shah of Iran, became his third wife on Dec. 21, 1959. She was chosen to replace Soraya Esfandiari Bakhtiari, whom the shah divorced because they failed to have children. (He divorced his first wife, Princess Fawzia, after they had a daughter but no son.) In her memoir, “An Enduring Love,” the empress describes Harry Winston designing a tiara for her wedding that weighed more than four pounds, and people reaching out to touch her wherever she traveled.

The new empress gave birth to a son, Reza, less than a year after the wedding, and a second son and two daughters followed. She fled with her husband into exile on the eve of the Iranian Revolution of 1979, and followed him from country to country until he died of cancer 18 months later.

The wedding of Prince Juan Carlos of Spain and Princess Sophie of Greece on May 14, 1962, united two European dynasties: He was an heir to the deposed Spanish throne, while she was the eldest daughter of King Paul of Greece.

Royals from across Europe attended, most of them related to the bridal couple. (Both Juan Carlos and Sophie are descendants of Queen Victoria of Britain.) The marathon day included three ceremonies, in three locations, to satisfy Roman Catholic, Greek Orthodox and civil requirements. Juan Carlos and Sofía (she now uses the Spanish spelling of her name) became king and queen of Spain in 1975, after the death of the dictator Francisco Franco, and ruled until he abdicated the throne in 2014. They have three children and eight grandchildren.

Queen Juliana of the Netherlands announced the engagement of Crown Princess Beatrix to Claus von Amsberg with “great joy,” but the match was almost immediately met with public outrage. It was only 20 years after the end of World War II, during which Germany had occupied the Netherlands, and Mr. Amsberg had been a member of the Hitler Youth movement and served in the German Army. The New York Times reported that Claus said that his membership in the youth organization had essentially been compulsory, and that “he did not like it.”

About 1,000 youths massed in Amsterdam to protest the couple’s wedding on March 10, 1966. But among those who signed the marriage certificate was Willem Drees, a leader of the wartime resistance movement. Their marriage lasted until Claus’s death in 2002. The couple had three sons; the eldest, Willem-Alexander, became king when Beatrix abdicated in 2013.

They met in 1959 but were given permission to marry only nine years later. Why? She was a commoner (if one with qualifications in dressmaking, accounting and fashion design, and a degree in French, English and art history).

In the long interregnum, the Norwegian news media floated other options for Harald, including Greek princesses. But he is said to have vowed to remain a bachelor if he could not marry Sonja. His father, King Olav, finally relented. The engagement raised anxiety about a public backlash, but the resistance was far less than expected and the wedding was held at Oslo Cathedral on Aug. 29, 1968. When King Olav died in January 1991, Harald ascended to the throne, and Sonja became queen.

King Carl Gustaf was the first modern Swedish king to hit the dating circuit. He saw himself as a normal guy, driving his own car. Yet it was assumed that he would marry a fellow royal, with rumors at one point that he was courting Princess Anne in Britain.

Then, when he was attending the Munich Olympics, he met Silvia Sommerlath, a German-Brazilian working as an interpreter during the Games. He asked her on a date almost immediately. When they began dating, she sometimes dressed in disguise while visiting him in Sweden. The wedding on June 19, 1976, was the first to be broadcast live on Swedish television.

When Prince Charles, the heir to the British throne, married Lady Diana Spencer on July 29, 1981, the occasion was breathlessly described as “the wedding of the century,” a spectacle of pomp and pageantry broadcast to an estimated 700 million viewers around the world.

The couple chose St. Paul’s Cathedral over Westminster Abbey, the site of Queen Elizabeth’s wedding, because it had more space for guests and allowed for a longer procession through the streets of London. They then made a traditional appearance on a balcony of Buckingham Palace to greet the thousands of people waiting to view a kiss.

Charles and Diana had two sons, William in 1982 and Harry in 1984. But their marriage was an unhappy one, and they divorced in 1996. She died in a car accident the following year.

For much of 1993, a dominant story in Japan was the engagement of Crown Prince Naruhito, next in line to become emperor, and Masako Owada, an Oxford-educated diplomat and trade negotiator. Her reputation as a modern woman — she was criticized for walking ahead of the prince in one instance — meant that the press was under strict orders on what could be written, for fear of upsetting the imperial family.

Finally on June 9, the couple married in a thickly wooded area of the Imperial Palace in Tokyo, in a ceremony conducted in silence. Outside the tranquillity of the palace, more than 30,000 police officers were mobilized, as helicopters buzzed in the sky. The crown prince is expected to become emperor in 2019.

He was still just a prince, and she was a Cairo-educated business executive. They met at a dinner party, and Prince Abdullah was smitten by Rania al-Yassin. “The minute Rania walked in,” he told People magazine in 2005, “I knew it right there and then. It was love at first sight.” Two months later, he proposed as his father, King Hussein, looked on. She accepted.

They married at Zahran Palace in Amman on June 10, 1993, when a national holiday was declared. The king oversaw the Muslim wedding ceremony. The couple has since had four children and Abdullah became king o on Feb. 7, 1999, after the death of his father. He declared Rania queen six weeks later.

Described as the social event of the decade in Belgium, this royal wedding saw the 39-year-old eldest son of King Albert II and Queen Paola marry a 26-year-old speech therapist, the daughter of a Belgian nobleman. The couple first held a civil ceremony at Brussels Town Hall, conducted in French, Flemish, Dutch and German. A religious service was then held at the Cathedral of Saint Michel.

At the time, the news media speculated that the wedding might help ease the rift between Belgium’s Flemish-speaking north and its French-speaking south. While there was a flourish of enthusiasm, the deeply ingrained tensions have remained.

In a ceremony conducted inside a sports stadium, with thousands of people filling the grandstands, the man known as Africa’s last bachelor king married in February 2000. He had once joked at a meeting of African leaders that he needed help finding a bride. “My dear mother has started to get worried,” the king said in 1997, according to the BBC.

He found his bride in Karabo Motsoeneng, a commoner with a degree in science. He was 38, she was 23. Nelson Mandela, the great emancipator of South Africa, attended the ceremony.

When King Mohammed VI of Morocco married a 24-year-old computer engineer, he broke royal tradition simply by acknowledging his bride in public. For centuries, the wives of Morocco’s rulers had remained private figures: The name of Mohammed’s mother was not widely known (nor was that of his father’s other wife).

But that changed in 2001, when the king announced his engagement to Salma Bennani, whom he was said to have met at a party a few years earlier. The release of the bride’s name and photograph stunned the country. The couple married on March 21, 2002, at the Royal Palace in Rabat, and national celebrations followed in July. She assumed a royal title — Princess Lalla Salma — and has often represented Morocco at events around the world, including the 2011 wedding of the Duke and Duchess of Cambridge.

When the heir to the Dutch throne, Willem-Alexander Claus George Ferdinand, met the Argentina-born economist Máxima Zorreguieta Cerruti at a spring fair in Spain, he did not reveal his royal lineage. Later, when he told her he was the oldest son of Princess Beatrix and Prince Claus, she thought he was joking, according to local reports. The relationship raised eyebrows in the Netherlands because the bride-to-be’s father had served as a government minister in Argentina under a military dictatorship.

The father bowed to Dutch pressure and did not attend the wedding; his wife chose not to go without him. The couple, he then 34 and she 30, married in civil and religious ceremonies in Amsterdam on Feb. 2, 2002. Her dress was designed by Valentino in Rome, and the bridesmaids wore red. Willem-Alexander and Máxima became king and queen in 2013, when Queen Beatrix abdicated.

Prince Felipe, then the heir to the Spanish throne, married Letizia Ortiz, a popular television journalist, in Madrid on May 22, 2004. It was the second marriage for the bride, who had divorced in 1999, an act that still carried real stigma in the Roman Catholic country. But because the first marriage had been a civil ceremony only, the church allowed her to have a religious wedding with the crown prince.

The couple had met in 2001 at a dinner party, but they are said to have fallen in love in November 2002, when she was covering the Prestige oil tanker spill, Spain’s largest environmental disaster. The prince had flown to the area to show his support to those affected.

More than 1,700 guests, including 30 heads of state, attended the wedding. The couple have had two daughters, and Felipe became king when King Juan Carlos abdicated in 2014.

After 33 star-crossed and often unhappy years, after other marriages and public opprobrium, the Prince of Wales married Camilla Parker Bowles on April 9, 2005. Because both had divorced, they elected to have a civil ceremony in Windsor Guildhall, followed by a marriage blessing at St. George’s Chapel at Windsor Castle.

The Prince of Wales and Camilla Shand, as she was then called, hit it off from the first time they met, at a polo match in 1970, and they even dated briefly before her first marriage to Andrew Parker Bowles, a British Army officer. Prince Charles, for his part, went on to marry Lady Diana Spencer, but their marriage was an unhappy one. The couple separated in 1992 and divorced in 1996. Diana died in a car crash a year later.

Charles and Camilla’s love affair is said to have begun when she cheekily declared, “My great-grandmother was your great-great-grandfather’s mistress, so how about it?” In a sign of how much things have changed, Queen Elizabeth II gave her blessing for the marriage of her divorced son to his divorced lover. The duchess of Cornwall, mother of Tom Parker Bowles and Laura Parker Bowles, became stepmother to Prince William and Prince Harry, who are said to along with her splendidly.

Brunei’s crown prince, Haji al-Muhtadee Billah Bolkiah, was 30 when he married Sarah Salleh, a 17-year-old university Swiss-Bruneian student, in Bandar Seri Begawan, the capital, on Sept. 9, 2004. The wedding drew members of royalty from around the world, as well as politicians and heads of state. While the bride was the daughter of a distant member of the royal family, she was regarded as a commoner. A monsoon downpour drenched the couples’ wedding procession in a gold-topped, open Rolls-Royce as it made its way through the streets.

The crown princess continued her university studies, receiving a bachelor’s degree in public policy, and she was a member of the cadet corps at the University of Brunei Darussalam. The couple have four children.

When Catherine Elizabeth Middleton married Prince William at Westminster Abbey on April 29, 2011, she was the first non-aristocratic woman to marry a British heir to the throne in more than 350 years. Both went to St. Andrews University in Scotland, where they started dating in 2003, remaining together for eight years except for a brief separation in 2007. They became engaged while on vacation in Kenya, where William presented Kate with his mother’s engagement ring, a platinum ring set with a large oval sapphire and fourteen diamonds.

Some memorable moments from the wedding day included the remarkable attention Kate’s younger sister, Pippa Middleton, received for carrying the train into Westminster Abbey; Prince William struggling to place the wedding ring on the finger of his bride; and the Duke and Duchess of Cambridge kissing on the balcony of Buckingham Palace to the cheers of thousands of spectators below.

The couple have three children: Prince George, Princess Charlotte and Prince Louis.

Prince Albert II of Monaco married the South African Olympic swimmer Charlene Lynette Wittstock on July 2, 2011, in a civil ceremony held in the same room where his parents, Prince Rainier III and Grace Kelly, had married 55 years earlier.

The couple had met at a swimming competition in Monte Carlo in 2000, the year Ms. Wittstock had represented South Africa at the Olympic Games in Sydney, Australia. “The moment I met Albert, I felt a profound sense of destiny,” she told the magazine Tatler a year before the wedding. The wedding celebrations for Prince Albert, 52, who ascended to the throne in 2005, and Princess Charlene, 33, were spread over three days.

Britain and Monaco weren’t the only places brimming with royal wedding excitement in 2011. The Oxford-educated king of Bhutan, Jigme Khesar Namgyel Wangchuck, married Jetsun Pema, a 21-year-old commoner 10 years his junior, in October that year.

For the landlocked country in the Himalayas, it was a cause for celebration, not least because it was the first royal wedding in Bhutan to be televised. (The country legalized television only in 1999.) The nuptials took place in a Buddhist ceremony in a 17th-century monastery and fortress in Punakha, and the festivities lasted three days.

The Pacific island nation of Tonga celebrated the royal wedding of its crown prince, Tupouto’a ’Ulukalala, to Sinaitakala Fakafanua on July 12, 2012. To keep the bloodline strong, Tongan protocol requires members of the royal family to marry a member of a noble family, and the crown prince, the eldest son of King George Tupou VI, married his second cousin.

The celebrations ended a 100-day mourning period after the death of King George Tupou V, but they drew controversy because of the continued practice of marriage between relatives. Many in the family, including the groom’s grandmother, did not attend.

Queen Zola Mafu, from Swaziland, is the sixth wife of the Zulu king Goodwill Zwelithini, the traditional leader of South Africa’s largest ethnic group. They married on July 26, 2014, a decade after they first appeared in public together.

The bride had had a child with King Zwelithini in 2005, and had been living at KwaKhangela Palace in Nongoma for years, the Citizen newspaper in KwaZulu Natal reported, adding that the wedding had been delayed by the death of her father in 2007 and a subsequent family dispute over who should receive the bride price, of 40 cattle.

Thousands witnessed the ceremony, at Ondini Sports Complex in Ulundi, including Winnie Madikizela Mandela and the South African president at the time, Jacob Zuma, as well as the king’s other wives, local news media reported.

Black Rhinos Roam Chad for the First Time in 46 Years

Pigs don’t fly yet, but rhinos do.

Six black rhinoceroses were flown from South Africa to Zakouma National Park in Chad last week, reuniting the threatened animal with a land it has not roamed in nearly five decades.

Chad is one of several African countries that has recently sought to start its own small black rhino populations in an attempt to protect the species from extinction. It is a participant in the African Rhino Conservation Plan, which hopes to significantly grow the number of rhinos in Africa over the next five years.

“My fervent hope is that this reintroduction will contribute to the strengthening of conservation,” said Titus Matlakeng, South Africa’s ambassador to Chad.

Veterinarians in South Africa began training the six rhinos three months ago to prepare them for the trip, said Janine Raftopoulos, head of corporate communications for South African National Parks. The handlers kept the rhinos in bomas, or small enclosures, so they would be accustomed to spending time in confined spaces.

The rhinos were sedated for the flight and accompanied by support staff and veterinarians. They were closely monitored throughout the trip to Chad.

Up until the mid-20th century, black rhinos dominated the landscape of Chad, grazing and attracting tourists. But they also attracted poachers, who hunted them for their horns, which are coveted for traditional Chinese medicinal practices and are displayed as status symbols.

The population of black rhinos is down 97.6 percent since 1960. Some estimate that as few as 5,500 are left on the continent, according to the African Wildlife Foundation.

Cathy Dean, chief executive officer of Save the Rhino, an advocacy group, said six black rhinos were not significant in the context of the 5,000 or so that exist continentally. But it’s a good sign that Chad has a safe place to house rhinos now.

“That Zakouma National Park in Chad is considered sufficiently secure for a new rhino population is to be welcomed,” she said.

According to the African Wildlife Foundation, 98 percent of the current black rhino population exists in South Africa, Zimbabwe, Kenya and Namibia. South Africa, which is home to 40 percent of the rhinos, has already moved some of them to other countries, like Botswana.

Chad and South Africa have agreed “to share experiences and expertise in conservation matters and to assist each other on a reciprocal basis,” Mr. Matlakeng said in a speech last week, welcoming the rhinos to Chad.

Zakouma National Park will be responsible for protecting the rhinos from poachers and providing them with an adequate environment to live in.

Transporting the animals to create a new population is a plan that can prove effective, Ms. Dean said. “Some subspecies are performing really well, with an annual growth rate at 9 percent or even higher,” she said in an email.

But moving the rhinos to a place where they once were and no longer are isn’t enough. The population must be managed and protected, and law enforcement must play a role, Ms. Dean said. There should also be biological management, guided by effective monitoring. The rhinos cannot be dropped into a location and expected to mate.

The northern white rhino did not get the same opportunity to repopulate.

White rhinos and black rhinos are different species, and contrary to popular belief, both are gray. The species are very similar, but black rhinos have a pointed lip to help them pick fruit from trees, while white rhinos have a square lip that helps them graze.

In March, the last male northern white rhino, named Sudan, died in Kenya. Only two northern white rhinos are left in existence: Sudan’s daughter Najin and his granddaughter Fatu. Both are at the Ol Pejeta Conservancy in Kenya.

This is the kind of decline Mr. Matlakeng hopes to avoid in the case of the black rhino.

“Working together as a continent, we should continue to strive towards overcoming the plight of extinction of our iconic species, that define our common heritage,” he said.

Nigeria’s President Draws Criticism for Seeking Medical Care Abroad

ABUJA, Nigeria — President Muhammadu Buhari of Nigeria, who has urged politicians not to go abroad to seek medical care, has traveled to Britain on his fifth official trip to see a doctor there.

Mr. Buhari, 75, left for London on Monday for a four-day visit, setting off renewed concerns about his health. His trip also comes after three weeks of strikes by health care professionals who are calling for better working conditions and more funding.

For nearly two years, Mr. Buhari has been receiving treatment for an unspecified illness, which he has repeatedly refused to discuss.

The president is scheduled to return to Nigeria on Saturday, at which point he will have spent more than 170 days in London on official medical leave since becoming president in 2015.

Mr. Buhari recently declared his intention to run for a second term next year, but many people in Nigeria, including some former presidents, have called on him to step down because of concerns about his health.

After Mr. Buhari visited Washington to meet with President Trump late last month, he surprised reporters by not returning directly to Nigeria but instead making what his media team called a “technical stopover” in London. His aides later confirmed that he received medical treatment while in Britain.

Mr. Buhari’s aides have insisted that the president is healthy and capable of running for office again, claiming that his political enemies are exaggerating any health concerns to attack him.

In April 2016, months before his first medical trip to London, Mr. Buhari condemned the use of Nigerian resources on international medical expenses.

“While this administration will not deny anyone of his or her fundamental human rights, we will certainly not encourage expending Nigerian hard-earned resources on any government official seeking medical care abroad, when such can be handled in Nigeria,” Mr. Buhari said, according to a statement from the Health Ministry at the time.

During his campaign the president promised to end “medical tourism,” the practice of Nigerian politicians receiving medical treatment abroad even as most citizens are forced to rely on underfunded state medical services.

After what was reported to have been motorbike accident in January, the president’s son, Yusuf Buhari, was also treated abroad, although the president’s aides would not confirm where he was treated.

Nigerians see Mr. Buhari’s actions on health care as hypocritical, said Yemi Adamolekun, executive director of Enough Is Enough, a coalition of groups committed to building a culture of good government and public accountability in Nigeria. “As he’s getting a superior standard of health care for himself and his son, he’s done virtually nothing to invest in health care infrastructure and provision in Nigeria,” Ms. Adamolekun said.

This year Nigeria spent 3.9 percent of its budget on health care, a fraction of the 15 percent target set by the United Nations.

“Health professionals have been on strike now for three weeks, and they aren’t even talking about it,” Ms. Adamolekun said, referring to the government. “So we have poor health infrastructure, an exodus of qualified medical staff and now a strike with no conversation on how to fix it, yet our president jumps off to the U.K. for his own health.”

A nationwide strike of 72,000 public health care workers has crippled medical services in state hospitals across Nigeria, and many more are expected to join the protest in the next few days.

Biobelemoye Josiah, president of a coalition of unions involved in the strike, said that health care in Nigeria had suffered under Mr. Buhari’s administration. “There has long been medical tourism because our hospitals are grossly underfunded and that has continued,” Mr. Josiah said.+

Afonso Dhlakama, Mozambique’s Opposition Leader, Dies at 65

Afonso Dhlakama, the leader of Mozambique’s main opposition group, who was held responsible for exceptional brutality by its often young soldiers during a civil war that claimed up to a million lives, died on Thursday at his hide-out in the Gorongosa mountains in southeast Africa. He was 65.

The Mozambican authorities confirmed the death but did not specify the cause. News reports said it was either diabetes or a heart attack.

President Filipe Nyusi, who had been negotiating a rapprochement with Mr. Dhlakama, a former guerrilla commander, said he had tried to have him evacuated by helicopter for medical treatment.

“I could not, because he was in a place where I could not help,” the president said.

The impact of Mr. Dhlakama’s death on a frail truce, negotiated in advance of elections scheduled for 2019, was not immediately clear.

Mr. Dhlakama had headed the opposition Renamo movement for almost four decades in Mozambique, a former Portuguese colony. In Portuguese, the group’s initials stand for Mozambique National Resistance.

Mr. Dhlakama had fought briefly with the Soviet-backed and avowedly Marxist insurgents who took power when Mozambique gained independence in June 1975. But he defected soon afterward and joined a dissident group opposed to the dominant movement, Frelimo (Mozambique Liberation Front), led by Samora Machel, the first president of independent Mozambique.

During the civil war against the leftist government in Maputo, which began in 1977 and ended in 1992, Renamo was cast as an international pariah, little more than a pawn in the Cold War-era conflicts that ended white minority rule across southern Africa.

The group was established with the support of white intelligence officers in neighboring Rhodesia, now called Zimbabwe; they saw Renamo as a means of undermining Mozambique’s role as a base for Zimbabwean nationalist guerrillas led by Robert Mugabe.

With Zimbabwean independence in 1980, white-ruled South Africa took over as the chief covert backer and arms supplier to Renamo, using it once more as a force of destabilization — this time against President Machel’s support for the anti-apartheid African National Congress, which was operating in exile from Mozambique and elsewhere.

In 1984, President Machel was forced to sign a treaty with South Africa — named the Nkomati Accord for the area where it was signed — in which he offered to withdraw support for the A.N.C. in return for South Africa’s ending its sponsorship of Renamo. The agreement was broken often by both sides, and it was not until South Africa’s white rulers finally pledged to abandon apartheid that Renamo opened peace talks with the leadership in Maputo.

By that stage, the two sides had fought to a stalemate in a bush war characterized by massacres, rape and looting. At the same time, the distant world beyond the conflict was changing fundamentally as the Cold War drew to a close.

In 1988, the United States State Department sponsored a report accusing Renamo of widespread atrocities, including forced labor and arbitrary executions. The report, likening Renamo to the Khmer Rouge in Cambodia, accused Mr. Dhlakama’s troops — some of them child soldiers — of a string of massacres, including one at Homoine, in which more than 400 civilians died. Mr. Dhlakama denied the accusations, insisting that government forces had staged atrocities to discredit the dissidents.

“If we were just a bunch of bandits, we would have been caught and been handed over to government forces long ago,” he said in an interview with The New York Times in 1988. “Our aim is not to win the war militarily but to force the Frelimo government to accept our conditions” for establishing democracy.

Afonso Dhlakama was born on Jan. 1, 1953, in the Sofala Province of central Mozambique, the son of a traditional ruler. He was educated by Roman Catholic seminarians in the Indian Ocean port city of Beira, according to “The Battle for Mozambique,” a study by Stephen A. Emerson, an American analyst of African affairs.

Mr. Dhlakama was conscripted into the Portuguese colonial army but deserted to join Frelimo. When he defected to Renamo, Mr. Emerson wrote, the Frelimo authorities said Mr. Dhlakama had been dismissed for corruption and misconduct — allegations he denied.

Mr. Dhlakama rose rapidly through the Renamo ranks, and when its leader, André Matsangaissa, was killed in action in 1979, he took over the organization and presided over the expansion of its ragtag army into a force numbering up to 20,000 guerrillas.

In his 1988 interview, Mr. Dhlakama said the guerrillas’ hit-and-run strikes against towns held by the Mozambican Army were designed “to demoralize and lower the profile of the enemy” rather than hold territory. “It serves no purpose to hold towns that are empty,” he said. His forces also struck at vital regional transport links.

Renamo was always hostage to events beyond its control. As South Africa’s support for the dissidents dwindled, the Frelimo government drew on backing from Zimbabwean, Tanzanian and Zambian troops, and persuaded a key supporter, Malawi, to cease aiding the rebels in 1986. For all that, Renamo’s control of so-called liberated rural areas turned many remote towns into islands of government control, reachable only by air.

In 1992, Mr. Dhlakama signed a peace treaty with the Mozambican president, Joaquim Chissano; after a blanket amnesty, Renamo became a legal political party but retained its guerrilla force. In successive presidential elections — Mr. Dhlakama contested all of them — the government’s candidates won every vote, and in 2013, Renamo said it was abandoning the 1992 peace accord.

Mr. Dhlakama left Maputo and returned to his wartime hide-outs in Gorongosa, losing yet another presidential election in 2014 and facing a string of assassination attempts.

He announced a truce in 2016 and a year later held talks with President Nyusi aiming at a reconciliation with Frelimo, which has held power without interruption since Mozambique’s independence.

Following the death of Mr. Dhlakama, President Nyusi called him “a citizen who always worked for Mozambique,” news reports said.

“I hope,” he added, “that we as Mozambicans can continue to do everything so things do not go down.”

Afonso Dhlakama, Mozambique’s Opposition Leader, Dies at 65

Afonso Dhlakama, the leader of Mozambique’s main opposition group, who was held responsible for exceptional brutality by its often young soldiers during a civil war that claimed up to a million lives, died on Thursday at his hide-out in the Gorongosa mountains in southeast Africa. He was 65.

The Mozambican authorities confirmed the death but did not specify the cause. News reports said it was either diabetes or a heart attack.

President Filipe Nyusi, who had been negotiating a rapprochement with Mr. Dhlakama, a former guerrilla commander, said he had tried to have him evacuated by helicopter for medical treatment.

“I could not, because he was in a place where I could not help,” the president said.

The impact of Mr. Dhlakama’s death on a frail truce, negotiated in advance of elections scheduled for 2019, was not immediately clear.

Mr. Dhlakama had headed the opposition Renamo movement for almost four decades in Mozambique, a former Portuguese colony. In Portuguese, the group’s initials stand for Mozambique National Resistance.

Mr. Dhlakama had fought briefly with the Soviet-backed and avowedly Marxist insurgents who took power when Mozambique gained independence in June 1975. But he defected soon afterward and joined a dissident group opposed to the dominant movement, Frelimo (Mozambique Liberation Front), led by Samora Machel, the first president of independent Mozambique.

During the civil war against the leftist government in Maputo, which began in 1977 and ended in 1992, Renamo was cast as an international pariah, little more than a pawn in the Cold War-era conflicts that ended white minority rule across southern Africa.

The group was established with the support of white intelligence officers in neighboring Rhodesia, now called Zimbabwe; they saw Renamo as a means of undermining Mozambique’s role as a base for Zimbabwean nationalist guerrillas led by Robert Mugabe.

With Zimbabwean independence in 1980, white-ruled South Africa took over as the chief covert backer and arms supplier to Renamo, using it once more as a force of destabilization — this time against President Machel’s support for the anti-apartheid African National Congress, which was operating in exile from Mozambique and elsewhere.

In 1984, President Machel was forced to sign a treaty with South Africa — named the Nkomati Accord for the area where it was signed — in which he offered to withdraw support for the A.N.C. in return for South Africa’s ending its sponsorship of Renamo. The agreement was broken often by both sides, and it was not until South Africa’s white rulers finally pledged to abandon apartheid that Renamo opened peace talks with the leadership in Maputo.

By that stage, the two sides had fought to a stalemate in a bush war characterized by massacres, rape and looting. At the same time, the distant world beyond the conflict was changing fundamentally as the Cold War drew to a close.

In 1988, the United States State Department sponsored a report accusing Renamo of widespread atrocities, including forced labor and arbitrary executions. The report, likening Renamo to the Khmer Rouge in Cambodia, accused Mr. Dhlakama’s troops — some of them child soldiers — of a string of massacres, including one at Homoine, in which more than 400 civilians died. Mr. Dhlakama denied the accusations, insisting that government forces had staged atrocities to discredit the dissidents.

“If we were just a bunch of bandits, we would have been caught and been handed over to government forces long ago,” he said in an interview with The New York Times in 1988. “Our aim is not to win the war militarily but to force the Frelimo government to accept our conditions” for establishing democracy.

Afonso Dhlakama was born on Jan. 1, 1953, in the Sofala Province of central Mozambique, the son of a traditional ruler. He was educated by Roman Catholic seminarians in the Indian Ocean port city of Beira, according to “The Battle for Mozambique,” a study by Stephen A. Emerson, an American analyst of African affairs.

Mr. Dhlakama was conscripted into the Portuguese colonial army but deserted to join Frelimo. When he defected to Renamo, Mr. Emerson wrote, the Frelimo authorities said Mr. Dhlakama had been dismissed for corruption and misconduct — allegations he denied.

Mr. Dhlakama rose rapidly through the Renamo ranks, and when its leader, André Matsangaissa, was killed in action in 1979, he took over the organization and presided over the expansion of its ragtag army into a force numbering up to 20,000 guerrillas.

In his 1988 interview, Mr. Dhlakama said the guerrillas’ hit-and-run strikes against towns held by the Mozambican Army were designed “to demoralize and lower the profile of the enemy” rather than hold territory. “It serves no purpose to hold towns that are empty,” he said. His forces also struck at vital regional transport links.

Renamo was always hostage to events beyond its control. As South Africa’s support for the dissidents dwindled, the Frelimo government drew on backing from Zimbabwean, Tanzanian and Zambian troops, and persuaded a key supporter, Malawi, to cease aiding the rebels in 1986. For all that, Renamo’s control of so-called liberated rural areas turned many remote towns into islands of government control, reachable only by air.

In 1992, Mr. Dhlakama signed a peace treaty with the Mozambican president, Joaquim Chissano; after a blanket amnesty, Renamo became a legal political party but retained its guerrilla force. In successive presidential elections — Mr. Dhlakama contested all of them — the government’s candidates won every vote, and in 2013, Renamo said it was abandoning the 1992 peace accord.

Mr. Dhlakama left Maputo and returned to his wartime hide-outs in Gorongosa, losing yet another presidential election in 2014 and facing a string of assassination attempts.

He announced a truce in 2016 and a year later held talks with President Nyusi aiming at a reconciliation with Frelimo, which has held power without interruption since Mozambique’s independence.

Following the death of Mr. Dhlakama, President Nyusi called him “a citizen who always worked for Mozambique,” news reports said.

“I hope,” he added, “that we as Mozambicans can continue to do everything so things do not go down.”

‘Shocked’ by Attack on Mosque, Nigeria Tightens Security in Northeast

ABUJA, Nigeria — Twin suicide bombings at a mosque and at a market have left at least 27 people dead and scores wounded in northeastern Nigeria, leading the authorities on Wednesday to tighten security in the region, which has been targeted repeatedly in recent years by Boko Haram, the rebel Islamist insurgency.

The bombings took place around 1 p.m. on Tuesday during afternoon prayers in Mubi, a town roughly 120 miles north of Yola, the capital of Adamawa State. The suicide bombers, two young men, detonated a first bomb after prayers began and a second one outside as people fled, according to the police.

Usman Abubakar, a local police spokesman, said 27 people were killed and 58 were wounded by the suicide bombers, which he said were believed to have been Boko Haram militants.

“For a long time we haven’t experienced anything on this scale,” Mr. Abubakar said.

Some news reports, citing local residents and witnesses at burial ceremonies, said the death toll could be much higher, with over 60 victims. The news agency Agence France-Presse quoted gravediggers as saying that they had buried 86 bodies after the bombings, but it was not immediately possible to verify that figure.

Mr. Abubakar said that many victims were “seriously injured” but that the police had “no information regarding an increase in deaths.” Conflicting accounts of the number of deaths in attacks in the region are not uncommon, and the authorities have been keen to play down the severity of such attacks ahead of elections next year.

Dr. Edgar Sakawa, the director of the hospital in Mubi, said that most of the wounded were adults and that 11 victims had been transported to a larger, federal hospital in Yola because of the severity of their wounds.

“It’s been very difficult, a very sad attack, but we are doing all we can do,” he said, adding that his hospital had counted 27 deaths but that some victims were taken directly to a cemetery for burial and might not have been counted in the official toll.

Yemi Osinbajo, Nigeria’s vice president, said in a statement from his office on Wednesday that the government was “shocked and outraged” by the bombings.

“This desecration of a place of worship by criminals is tragic and condemnable,” Mr. Osinbajo said in the statement, adding that the authorities were working “to beef up security” in and around Mubi, “especially markets and places of worship.”

Mubi, a city of about 175,000 people near the border with Cameroon, is among a number of towns and villages where Boko Haram fighters once held control before being ousted by the military.

Boko Haram, a radical Islamist group that has waged war for the past nine years in Nigeria and in neighboring countries, has sent suicide bombers in a wave of recent attacks on mosques, checkpoints, markets and even camps for some of the nearly two million people uprooted from their homes because of the conflict.

The suicide bombers, many of whom are women and children, have been sent to attack Maiduguri, the capital of Borno State and the city where the Boko Haram movement was founded, as well as smaller towns and villages across the countryside and settlements in neighboring countries.

In November, at least 50 people were killed in Mubi after a suicide bombing that also struck a mosque.

“Civilians are consistently bearing the brunt of this conflict, and I urge the government of Nigeria to step up the protection of innocent people,” said Edward Kallon, the United Nations humanitarian coordinator in Nigeria.

“Close to 200 women, children and men have now been killed in brutal and indiscriminate attacks by nonstate armed groups in the northeast since the beginning of the year, including in the town of Bama last month in Borno State,” Mr. Kallon said in a statement.

In April, at least four people were killed and seven were wounded in a suicide bombing in Bama, a town that had been overrun by the insurgency. A month earlier, the state government had declared that it was safe for residents to return.

Since December 2015, the Nigerian government has repeatedly claimed that Boko Haram has been defeated, after what was thought to be the group’s main base, in the vast Sambisa Forest in Borno State, was taken by the military.

But attacks have continued. Boko Haram militants have also made international headlines for their kidnapping of schoolgirls, from Chibok, a town in Borno State, in 2014; and from Dapchi, a town in the neighboring Yobe State, this year.

The bombings in Mubi came just days after President Muhammadu Buhari of Nigeria met in Washington with President Trump, becoming the first African leader to visit the White House since Mr. Trump took office.

During their meeting, Mr. Trump pledged American support in the fight against Boko Haram and said he was pleased about the sale of a dozen A-29 Super Tucano warplanes to Nigeria.

The $600 million sale, long sought by the Nigerians, had been held up by the Obama administration amid concerns about human rights abuses by Nigeria’s military. There have also been concerns about whether light attack aircraft would be as helpful as ground troops in the fight against Boko Haram, which no longer fields large groups of fighters in the open, using lone suicide bombers to attack civilians instead.

Mr. Buhari was still in the United States at the time of the bombings, but he has since left Washington for Abuja, the Nigerian capital. Mr. Buhari said last month that he intended to seek re-election in Nigeria’s 2019 presidential race, despite calls for him to step down and criticism of his government’s inability to quell the Boko Haram insurgency.

A Census of Gorillas and Chimpanzees Finds More Than Expected

There are many more gorillas and chimpanzees than previously believed, new research finds. Nonetheless, their numbers are rapidly declining.

All great apes are protected species under national and international conventions; it is illegal to kill or capture them, or to buy and sell their body parts. But they are threatened by illegal poaching and the destruction of their habitats. And various diseases, particularly Ebola, have been devastating for the animals.

Gorillas and chimpanzees are found in western and central Africa. About 12 percent of their habitat is legally protected from development.

In an 11-year project, the Wildlife Conservation Society, in collaboration with other organizations, surveyed nests at 59 sites in five countries. The results appear in the journal Science Advances.

As of 2013, the researchers concluded, there were 361,919 weaned gorillas and 128,760 weaned chimpanzees in the region. Previous estimates had ranged as low as 150,000 gorillas and 70,000 chimpanzees.

Sixty percent of gorillas and 43 percent of chimpanzees live in Congo; Gabon is home to 27 percent of gorillas and 34 percent of chimpanzees. Most of these animals live outside protected areas.

Ape populations declined where human populations increased, near communities that consume apes as food, and where forests are thinned out. Mortality in Ebola outbreaks, which occurred before the current survey was undertaken, has ranged as high as 95 percent.

Fiona Maisels, a co-author of the study and a conservation scientist at the conservation society, said that while older estimates provided a range, these new numbers have “statistically robust precision.” The researchers surveyed more than 70,000 square miles — an area about the size of the state of Washington.

Chimpanzee numbers are declining, although it is difficult to specify how fast. With gorillas, the rate of decline is known: 2.7 percent a year since 2013. Dr. Maisels said that if this rate continues through 2020, only 300,000 gorillas will remain.

“Apes are us,” Dr. Maisels said. “They’re part of a system that we have damaged quite badly, and it’s our responsibility to try and stop that damage.”

Sowing Peanuts, Reaping Ammo in Uganda

PAICHO, Uganda — Just after dawn, Patrick Ogik placed a wooden yoke over the bulging necks of his two oxen and attached a metal plow behind them, the ropes, fraying from wear, tied to the animals.

The 44-year-old farmer guided the oxen to a fallow field, where he was preparing to plant peanuts in a tiny patch of land he owns outside Paicho, a village in northern Uganda.

As the metal plow drove through the soil, it struck something hard. Mr. Ogik reached down and pulled the metal casing of a mortar shell from clumps of soil. He wiped the surface with his hand.

This one was spent, he explained, though he has sometimes come across live ammunition. He tossed it aside and continued his work.

A brutal war once ravaged this place — and altered Mr. Ogik’s life. Reminders of the violence are everywhere, even lying just below the surface of the earth.

Northern Uganda was the battleground of a decades-long conflict between the Lord’s Resistance Army rebel group, or L.R.A., and the Ugandan government. The village of Paicho was at the center of the fighting.

Mr. Ogik’s fields were once the site of barracks for the national army and the remnants of those crumbling brick buildings still stand. Here, the ground is still littered with the uniforms soldiers discarded when they left 10 years ago. The material has become entangled in the tall grass and buried in the earth.

Mr. Ogik dug out a threadbare shirt and held it up, the blue sky visible through its holes. He laughed and tossed it next to the shell casing.

“This used to be a war zone,” Mr. Ogik said. “During the war we could do very little farming because you would get so little time in the field because it wasn’t safe.”

The L.R.A. rampaged through northern Uganda for nearly two decades, beginning in the late 1980s. The armed group is believed to be responsible for at least 100,000 deaths and the abduction of many thousands more. Its fighters mutilated civilians by chopping off their limbs, noses or lips, and kidnapped women for marriage and children to fight.

Farmers like Mr. Ogik were unable to tend to their fields as they feared for their lives. Because of that, his family relied on food aid to get by.

From 1997 to 2007, Mr. Ogik lived in a camp for internally displaced people. In those years, the Ugandan Army ordered villagers from Paicho and the surrounding areas to move into the camps as troops fought to wrest control of the territory from the L.R.A., led by the professed holy man Joseph Kony.

Mr. Ogik, like everyone else in his community, was given just 48 hours’ notice that he would have to leave his home and move to the camp.

His memories of that time are strong. And these days they are coming back again as he works with other local farmers who are providing food for yet another group of war victims — a huge influx of South Sudan refugees pouring in to northern Uganda, fleeing war in their home country.

“We were in camps, so we know what life is like there,” Mr. Ogik said, describing the affinity he feels for the refugees living in camps dotted throughout northern Uganda.

The harvest had just passed, and, weeks earlier, Mr. Ogik, along with an association of local farmers, had sold his crop of maize to the World Food Program. The grains will be used to feed some of the 1.1 million South Sudanese living as refugees in the nearby camps.

Uganda’s new refugee population is one of the largest in the world — driven by conflicts in the Democratic Republic of Congo, to the west, as well as South Sudan, to the north.

The region has been relatively peaceful since 2009, when the military drove the L.R.A. out of Uganda, but the deep scars — both physical and mental — have proved difficult to heal.

And the process of rebuilding has stalled as the government struggles to roll out a comprehensive national program for justice and reconciliation.

Paicho is among the places that were hit especially hard by the conflict, said Okwir Isaac Odiya, a leader of The Justice and Reconciliation Project, a nongovernmental organization that pushes for justice for victims of war crimes, and tries to foster reconciliation in Northern Uganda.

“There is interfamily and intercommunity tensions as one family blames another for their son killing the other’s son or daughter,” Mr. Odiya said.

Rights groups documented violations on both sides of the conflict. In the barracks at Mr. Ogik’s farm, for example, dozens of prisoners, including some members of the local community, were tortured, according to reports by Amnesty International and other groups.

And many of the leaders responsible for the wartime atrocities have yet to be held accountable. In 2015, Dominic Ongwen, a former L.R.A. commander, became the first member of the rebel group to go before the International Criminal Court for war crimes and crimes against humanity. Mr. Kony is still on the run.

The Justice Law and Order Sector, a government body, established a policymaking wing in 2008 to write a national law on transitional justice for Uganda after the war. The group has presented several drafts to the government, but legislation has yet to pass.

The latest draft calls for formal criminal prosecutions, truth-telling and reconciliation programs, reparations payments and amnesty programs.

“The lack of political will, that’s the reason why this is taking so long,” said Mr. Odiya of the reconciliation project. “It’s now coming to 10 years that the policy is being drafted. For how long will we wait for the transitional justice to come to Uganda?”