Typhoon Mangkhut: Deadly Storm Nears Hong Kong and China’s Coast

Typhoon Mangkhut was nearing Hong Kong and the southern coast of China on Sunday, after cutting a destructive path through the Philippines and killing dozens of people there. The storm had weakened overnight but was still a severe typhoon, with gusts of up to 120 miles an hour, the Hong Kong authorities said.

The storm was expected to pass about 60 miles south of Hong Kong before moving on to China’s heavily populated Guangdong Province. Hong Kong’s weather agency warned that Victoria Harbour could see storm surges of almost 10 feet.

In the Philippines, officials said Sunday morning that the death toll from the storm had risen to 25. But despite the suffering, there was relief there that the devastation had not been much worse.

[Catch up on the rest of our storm coverage.]

Mangkhut was moving relatively quickly across the South China Sea and was on track to pass south of Hong Kong Sunday afternoon before barreling into southern China’s Guangdong Province by the evening.

Winds had weakened but forecasts said it would still pack the power of a Category 2 storm when it made landfall, possibly near Maoming, a big petrochemicals center.

The area has relatively few low-lying towns that would be vulnerable to storm surge as the typhoon makes landfall, and Guangdong, China’s most populous province, has extensive experience with typhoons, and makes elaborate preparations for each of them.

Evacuations of low-lying areas are mandatory. Fishing vessels are ordered into well-protected anchorages. After 16 workers were killed when their shanty collapsed in a typhoon in 2003, the province pursued a strenuous campaign of demolishing or upgrading substandard housing.

If Mangkhut shifts course slightly to the north, though, it could hit Hong Kong and the Pearl River Delta area, one of the world’s most important manufacturing hubs and home to more than 60 million people.

Hong Kong itself is quite resilient to typhoons. Although heavy rain may trigger landslides, the former British colony is not especially vulnerable to flooding because it has few low-lying areas.

The sprawling river delta around it, however, is barely above sea level and has struggled with flooding despite years of investment in drainage systems. Climate change has exacerbated the problem. The provincial capital, Guangzhou, has more to lose from rising seas and more severe storms than any other city on the planet, according to a World Bank report.

In Zhanjiang, a coastal city of 8 million on the storm’s path near Maoming, workers were boarding up storefronts on Saturday, while residents crowded supermarkets and emptied some of them of water, rice and packaged noodles.

At Yugang Beach, along a bay near the city center, a loudspeaker warned bathers to stay out of the water because of the “influence of the typhoon,” though few seemed concerned given the blue skies and warm temperatures. A woman selling chilled coconuts said she would simply stay home on Sunday.

Beside a rusting ferry ship nearby, groups of young men collected sand into large nylon sacks. One of them, Liang Jiawei, said they intended to use the improvised sandbags to brace the glass windows at the real estate office where they worked.

They recalled that Typhoon Mujigae, the last major typhoon to strike the city, in 2015, killed at least 11 people. “People have been preparing ahead of time because three years ago people were not prepared well,” Mr. Liang said.

Provincial authorities have issued a video on social media showing footage of the previous typhoon and warning people not to take any chances.

A top Philippine official, Francis Tolentino, said Sunday morning that at least 25 people had been killed, including a family of four caught in a landslide in their home in the Cordillera Mountains. Among the dead were two rescue workers killed in landslides, local news media reported.

The police said the body of one victim, a young girl, was found in the Marikina River in the eastern part of metropolitan Manila, though the densely populated capital region seemed to have been spared major damage.

The eye made landfall over Baggao in Cagayan Province and moved west across the country, hitting the opposite coast near Laoag City less than eight hours later.

[Here’s how to help support the recovery efforts.]

Videos posted by the Philippine Red Cross in the early hours of Sunday morning show rescue efforts in San Fabian, Pangasinan Province, on the western side of Luzon. Rescuers evacuated families from their homes on boats as the water had risen to neck deep levels in some areas.

The authorities said more than 105,000 people had taken shelter in evacuation centers as the typhoon was nearing. Much of the planning for Mangkhut was informed by lessons learned from Typhoon Haiyan, the devastating 2013 storm that killed 6,000 people and left more than four million homeless.

“Because of other typhoons, people have internalized the fact that they have to go to evacuation centers, so the process was quite smooth this time,” Mr. Tolentino said. “Some people wanted to stay with their farm animals, but if you have to choose between your life or your animals, you should choose your life.”

The New York Times reporters Hannah Beech and Kimberly dela Cruz traveled along Luzon’s western and northern coasts on Saturday. Foliage, trees and rolling coconuts were strewn across the roads, which were deserted except for volunteer crews removing debris to make them passable and the occasional emergency vehicle.

In one community after another, they reported seeing downed trees and badly damaged buildings. Signs, tin roofs and gates that had been torn free flew about.

In Claveria, a corn- and rice-growing area on the northern coast, the Antonio family had fled their home about 1 a.m. for sturdier shelter. Marck James Antonio, 24, stayed behind and was struck and gashed in the right temple by flying debris. But he was conscious and still moving around.

“This was the strongest and the worst storm that I’ve ever experienced in my life,” said his mother, Teresita Antonio, 54. “I was crying before because I don’t know how I will be able to afford to fix my house.”

“It was shaking like an earthquake,” said another resident, Robert Tumaneng, 55, a fish farmer. From a road above, the area where the fish ponds once were looked like a giant lake, with the tips of submerged palm trees and thatched roofs sticking out.

Further east, in Sanchez Mira, more than 270 people had sought shelter at a community hall.

“Some people didn’t want to evacuate their homes but I forced them,” said Rewin Valenzuela, 48, a local leader. “We evacuated everyone to prevent loss of life.”

The winds made it difficult to stand outdoors but some residents were returning home, carrying mattresses and plastic buckets with food and other provisions. The roofs had been torn off other houses and a few that were built on stilts listed dangerously.

The 12 million residents of the metropolitan Manila area, one of the world’s most densely populated cities, appeared to have been spared major destruction as the center of the storm passed hundreds of miles to the north.

The megacity was hit by heavy rain and strong winds, with trees uprooted and flooding in some areas. Among the inundated roads was Roxas Boulevard, a major artery that runs along Manila Bay and often floods during storms.

More than 1,600 families were evacuated after the Marikina River, which runs through part of the city, began rising quickly because of runoff from nearby mountains. The police said the body of a child, about 10 years old, was found floating in the river under a bridge in Pasig, one of several cities that make up Metro Manila.

The Manila area sits near sea level on the shore of Manila Bay, making it vulnerable to the typhoons that sweep in from the Pacific.

Typhoon Mangkhut: Storm Slams Philippines on Landfall

Typhoon Mangkhut struck the Philippines early Saturday after thousands of people evacuated their homes to dodge the 550-mile wide storm as it roared across the Pacific.

The ferocity of the storm — with maximum sustained winds of around 120 miles per hour — in some ways eclipsed Hurricane Florence on the other side of the world, which was pummeling the Mid-Atlantic Coast of the United States with life-threatening rains and flooding.

As dawn was breaking in the Philippines, there was no official word on casualties or damage.

The eye of Mangkhut, known as Ompong in the Philippines, made landfall on the northeastern portion of Luzon island, the country’s rice- and corn-growing heartland, at about 1:40 a.m.

[Catch up on the rest of our storm coverage.]

Strong winds and heavy rain battered northern and central Luzon as the eye of Typhoon Mangkhut slammed into the island, the largest and most populous in the Philippines, in the early morning hours of Saturday. The eye made landfall over Baggao in Cagayan Province around 1:40 a.m., according to the country’s national weather service, and it continued to move northwest across the country.

The maximum sustained wind speed of the typhoon had slowed to around 120 miles per hour as it reached Luzon’s shores, according to the national weather service, but some gusts still reached up to 200 miles per hour.

Heavy rain and battering winds were reported in Cagayan, with Manuel Mamba, the provincial governor, describing the provincial capital Tuguegarao as being “pummeled” during an telephone interview with the ABS-CBN News Channel.

Associated Press journalists sheltering in a hotel in Tuguegarao early Saturday reported seeing tin roof sheets and other debris hurtling through the air and store signs crashing to the ground.

Meteorologists in Manila said even the typhoon’s weaker winds could be deadly. “It can lift cars, you can’t stand, you can’t even crawl against that wind,” Rene Pacientem, a government forecaster, told reporters.

Roads were deserted in coastal Ilocos Sur, on the northwestern side of Luzon, as authorities warned of storm surges up to six feet in that province. Trees felled by the storm blocked roadways.

The heavily populated Metro Manila area, further south on Luzon Island, seemed to have been spared the worst of the storm. Early Saturday, the national weather service was warning of strong winds and moderate rain in that area — issuing the lowest-level alert — but flooding was still possible in low-lying areas.

Much of the planning for Mangkhut was informed by Typhoon Haiyan, the devastating 2013 storm that led to the deaths of thousands of people and left more than four million homeless.

That storm taught many lessons. Food and fresh water must be in position before a storm hits, as roads and airports may be closed for a week or more afterward because of fallen trees and other damage. Soldiers and police officers need to fan out to restore order as soon as the typhoon passes, so that civil society does not collapse in storm-ravaged areas. And evacuation centers need to be built on higher ground, with stronger roofs.

The task of naming typhoons falls to the Japan Meteorological Agency, which uses names sequentially from a list suggested by different countries. But when typhoons enter the Philippines’ area of responsibility for storm monitoring, they are assigned a different name by the Philippine Atmospheric, Geophysical and Astronomical Services Administration, the national meteorological agency. It has issued its own list each year since it was established in 1972. Thus, Mangkhut became Ompong in the Philippines.

Local names, the agency reasons, are easier to remember in rural areas and make the storms feel more immediate, increasing the chance that people will take them seriously.

The Philippine agency also assigns names to tropical depressions, which are not named internationally, because even though they are less powerful than typhoons, they can still cause significant damage.

The internationally recognized name for the typhoon, Mangkhut, is the Thai word for mangosteen, a tropical, reddish-purple fruit native to Southeast Asia.

The mangosteen, which has a hard shell with white flesh inside, is cheap and plentiful in Asia but rarer and more expensive in the West, where it is nonetheless growing in popularity.

Typhoon Mangkhut Live Updates: Philippines Braces for the Worst

Thousands of people were being evacuated from their homes in the Philippines on Friday, as Super Typhoon Mangkhut, a colossal storm more than 550 miles wide with maximum sustained wind speeds of 173 miles per hour, howled its way across the Pacific.

Mangkhut’s eye is on course to hit in the early hours Saturday on the northern island of Luzon, the country’s rice and corn growing heartland, where more than four million people are at risk.

The storm, gusting at speeds equivalent to a Category 5 hurricane, passed the American territory of Guam on Thursday, knocking out 80 percent of the island’s electricity and downing trees and power lines.

Across the Philippines, schools have been shuttered, home and business owners have boarded their windows and the military has been put on high alert.

President Rodrigo Duterte barred troops from taking leave, and ordered that rice seized by customs officials at the country’s ports should be turned over to the Department of Social Welfare and Development for potential disaster relief.

Hundreds of bulldozers were made ready in the event of landslides, and rescue workers were being deployed across the country. In some cases, Mr. Duterte said, resources that had already been dispatched were being moved to get them out of the path of the storm.

President Duterte warned that the storm could deal a severe blow to the country’s agricultural sector, just as the rice and corn harvests are set to start.

The president’s order that farmers harvest their most mature grains immediately set up a difficult choice for farmers who were also told to evacuate.

If the country was hit hard by the storm, the president predicted hundreds of millions of dollars in lost revenue.

After the Philippines, the storm is predicted to pass Hong Kong on Sunday before slamming into the Chinese mainland on Monday morning.

The Hong Kong Observatory warned residents of the territory to “take suitable precautions and pay close attention to the latest information” on the storm.

In mainland China, the southern provinces of Guangdong, Guangxi and Hainan have ordered residents to seek shelter away from the coast.

Pope Francis Live Updates: Attack on Pontiff Further Clouds Ireland Visit

Right Now: The pope has landed in village of Knock to pray at a revered shrine.

On the second day of a difficult mission to win back the confidence of Irish Catholics, Pope Francis awoke on Sunday to a bombshell attack from within his own citadel.

A former top-ranking Vatican official released a 7,000-word letter asserting that the pontiff had known about the abuses of a now-disgraced American prelate, Cardinal Theodore McCarrick, years before they became public.

Carlo Maria Viganò, a right-wing critic of Francis and a former Apostolic Nuncio to the United States, claimed that the pope had failed to punish Cardinal McCarrick, who was suspended in June following allegations that he coerced seminarians into sexual relationships. He was also found to have abused a teenage altar boy 47 years ago, when he was a priest in New York.

In the letter, published by the National Catholic Register and Lifesite News, publications critical of Francis, the archbishop called on the pope to resign.

“In this extremely dramatic moment for the universal Church,” the archbishop wrote, “he must acknowledge his mistakes and, in keeping with the proclaimed principle of zero tolerance, Pope Francis must be the first to set an example for cardinals and bishops who covered up McCarrick’s abuses and resign with all of them.”

The Vatican did not immediately respond to a request for comment.

The archbishop’s startling accusation will not come as a complete surprise to Vatican watchers, since he is part of a conservative camp that blames liberals, like the pope, for allowing homosexuality in the church. But it further complicates Francis’ efforts to persuade Irish Catholics that the church is ready to confront its legacy of concealing sexual abuse.

• After the pope’s meeting with survivors of abuse on Saturday, Francis traveled on Sunday to the west of Ireland to visit a shrine in the village of Knock.

• Francis again addressed the issue of child sexual abuse by members of the Catholic Church in a speech at Knock Shrine,” begging “for the Lord’s forgiveness.”

• Vigils were expected across the country, including one in Tuam, where the remains of hundreds of children were found buried in an abandoned septic system of a Catholic-run home for unmarried mothers.

• Here are highlights of the pope’s visit to Ireland from Saturday.

• The New York Times will have live coverage from Ireland throughout the pope’s two-day visit.

Francis headed on Sunday to the tiny, hilly village of Knock, home to fewer than 1,000 people. Knock has served as an engine of faith for the Catholic Church since 1879, when a group of townspeople reported seeing apparitions of the Virgin Mary and other members of the holy family.

Some 45,000 of the country’s Catholic pilgrims made their way here on Sunday, through heavy traffic and pouring rain. It is telling that Francis used his time here to beg for God’s forgiveness.

Under drizzly, misty skies and the soothing sound of Ave Maria, silent onlookers surrounded the Knock Shrine, which went into a lockdown at 9:20 a.m., a few minutes before the plane carrying Francis touched down at Ireland West airport.

“The pope has arrived,” the choir announced, as a screen showed his descent from the steps of the plane. Audience members cheered, clapped and said, “God Bless him.”

At the shrine, the pope declared: “None of us can fail to be moved by the stories of young people who suffered abuse, were robbed of their innocence, who were taken from their mothers, and left scarred by painful memories.”

“This open wound challenges us to be firm and decisive in the pursuit of truth and justice. I beg the Lord’s forgiveness for these sins and for the scandal and betrayal felt by so many others in God’s family.”

Francis prayed at the shrine, asking the Virgin Mary to heal those who have been abused.

John Paul II also prayed here on the last papal visit to Ireland, in 1979. After that visit, the local priest, Monsignor James Horan, drew widespread mockery for vowing to build an airport in the tiny village.

“Now don’t tell anybody,” he told a television crew. “We’ve no money but we’re hoping to get it next week or the week after.”

The airport was competed in 1986, and, in its way, became a symbol of the power of the Irish church.

The village had prepared feverishly for this papal visit. More than 50,000 flowers were planted, buildings along the main road were repainted, and every bed-and-breakfast in town — including ones called the Lamb of God, Divine Mercy and the House of Eden — had been fully booked by Friday.

“It was very emotional when we saw the pope in 1979,” said Tina Stenson-Cunningham, 63, holding onto a railing by the road where the Popemobile was expected to pass through. “But now we’ve experienced more of life, it’s more meaningful, more spiritual,” she said.

— Iliana Magra and Jason Horowitz

On Saturday, in a 90-minute meeting with survivors, the pontiff forcefully expressed his disgust with the church’s history of sexual abuse, condemning “corruption and cover up within the church as ‘caca,’” using a Spanish word for excrement.

But his efforts, wrapped in the pomp and celebrity of a two-day visit, left some of his Irish audience cold.

“Usually, when someone comes to visit, you get to know them better,” wrote Fintan O’Toole in The Irish Times. “How can someone have such a warm and human touch on one hand and be so terribly out of touch on the other?”

Ireland has transformed itself over the past decade, throwing off the teachings of the Roman Catholic Church in a series of momentous steps following revelations not just of clerical sexual abuse, but also of the virtual enslavement of unwed mothers in so-called Magdalene laundries and other grim church-run institutions, and forced the adoptions of many of the children.

Same-sex marriage was approved in Ireland in 2015, one of the world’s most restrictive abortion laws was scrapped there in May, and the pope was welcomed on Saturday by the country’s first gay prime minister.

Some have called for new zero-tolerance procedures, like the creation of a tribunal to judge bishops who do not appropriately handle accusations of sexual abuse. As Tony Kelly, 58, a bar manager in Dublin, said on Saturday, “People are looking more for actions rather than words.”

But so far, the leader of the world’s 1.2 billion Catholics has given no hint that groundbreaking new practices are imminent.

— Jason Horowitz

The pope’s visit to Knock offers countless reminders — like his recitation of the Angelus prayer at the shrine — that for all the changes in Ireland, Catholicism remains deeply rooted in the country.

The Angelus — a Catholic devotion commemorating the Incarnation — is broadcast twice each day by Ireland’s public broadcaster, RTE, and the shrine draws crowds of visitors.

Until the 1970s, the Irish Constitution recognized “the special position” of the Roman Catholic Church, and the Constitution says, “The state acknowledges that the homage of public worship is due to Almighty God.”

Most schools in Ireland are government-funded but privately run, and in most cases that means run by the church — more than 90 percent of primary schools are Catholic.

Church schools are permitted to give preference in admissions to Catholic children, which has prompted some non-Catholic parents to have their children baptized into the church.

The archbishop of Dublin, Diarmuid Martin, has long pushed for the church to divest itself of many of its schools, but the religious orders that control them have resisted.

Ireland’s 2016 census found that 78 percent of residents considered themselves Roman Catholic — down from 94 percent in 1971, comparable to the level of Catholic identification in Italy and higher than the levels found in Spain and France.

— Richard Pérez-Peña

Aerial footage so far has shown fewer people than expected on the streets to greet Francis as he has made his way around in his Popemobile, for example, to St. Mary’s Pro-Cathedral from Dublin Castle on Saturday.

Television footage showed throngs of fans at street corners, but crowds quickly turned into single files alongside the road, cheering as the pope approached.

Fewer than 600,000 are expected to attend the open-air Mass on Sunday, less than half the number that turned out to watch John Paul II in 1979, when about 1.25 million gathered to see him.

It was unclear whether a protest called “Say Nope to the Pope,” which encouraged people to snap up free tickets and then skip the events, was having an effect.

— Kimiko de Freytas-Tamura

Matt Talbot died in obscurity 93 years ago, having drawn little attention after living a quiet existence of modest means and hard labor. But on Saturday, the leader of the world’s Catholics stopped at Our Lady of Lourdes Church in Dublin to pray before relics of Talbot, who is far better known in death than he was in life.

Talbot, an alcoholic Dubliner known as the “Holy Drinker,” overcame his addiction with the help of a priest and became deeply religious. His story spread rapidly after he died. Substance abuse clinics around the world are named for him, as is a bridge in Dublin with a statue of him nearby.

Already an unofficial patron saint to those struggling to stay sober, he may be granted official status. The church gave him the title “venerated” in the 1970s, a step toward canonization.

One of 12 children born to a poor family, with a father who was a violent alcoholic, Talbot began drinking heavily at age 12 and became so addicted that he once pawned his boots to buy a pint at a pub. At 27, he swore never to touch alcohol again — a vow he kept until his death, 42 years later.

“Never go too hard on the man who can’t give up drink,” he is quoted as having said. “It is as hard to give up drink as it is to raise the dead to life again.”

— Kimiko de Freytas-Tamura

Live: Pope Francis Is Visiting Ireland Under a Cloud of Abuse Scandals

Right Now: Pope Francis is traveling to Ireland for a two-day visit.

Pope Francis is making the first papal visit to Ireland in 39 years, joining Catholics from around the world, but the celebrations will be held in the shadow of unrelenting revelations of sexual abuse and cover-ups that have eroded the moral authority and unity of the church.

The pope has struggled to satisfy enraged survivors of abuse by clergy, who have accused him of failing to speak or act forcefully enough to expose and punish wrongdoing, and his every public utterance will be parsed for whether and how he addresses the scandals.

Francis, who last week lamented “we showed no care for the little ones; we abandoned them,” will meet with abuse survivors in Ireland, the Vatican has said, but there was no mention of the topic in his official public schedule for the trip, originally designed as a celebration of families.

No nation has been hit harder by the church’s scandals than Ireland, once a citadel of conservative Catholicism where church and state were closely entwined for generations, and perhaps none has moved more sharply away from church teachings.

• Ireland has changed quite a bit since the last papal visit, but the same could be said of the papacy: Francis has signaled a more tolerant approach to gays than his predecessors, and has put less emphasis on abortion.

• Not everyone is pleased with the pope and his visit: Some people have signed up for tickets to his appearances and plan to not use them, and others are unhappy with his relatively lenient views.

• The visit is centered on the World Meeting of Families, a gathering to put a focus on the importance of marriage and the family.

• The New York Times will have live coverage from Ireland throughout the pope’s two-day visit.

A group representing survivors of clerical sexual abuse around the world issued a list of demands to Francis on Friday, including a “zero tolerance” church law, meaning that priests who molested children and superiors who protected abusers would be defrocked.

Ending Clerical Abuse, which has identified victims from over 172 countries worldwide, also called on the church to publicly identify abusive clerics, and to prosecute complicit bishops in church tribunals.

“We need to know who these sex offenders are, just like we need to know who these bishops are, because you know who they are, and you know what they’ve done,” Peter Isely, a survivor from Milwaukee and a founding member of the group, said at a news conference. “We’re not talking about unproven allegations, we’re talking about proven allegations, and who’s proven it? You’ve proven it.”

The demands followed reports that Cardinal Sean O’Malley, whom Francis had appointed to head a commission to address the crisis, had ignored word of sexual abuse accusations against Cardinal Theodore E. McCarrick, archbishop of Washington. Cardinal O’Malley withdrew from the World Families’ Meeting being held in Dublin.

Ending Clerical Abuse said that the commission had failed, and it had low expectations for the pope’s visit.

Cardinal O’Malley “hasn’t done the job, it’s clear,” Mr. Isely said. “This is a global problem and it’s going to take a global solution.”

— Kimiko de Freytas-Tamura

Just as it would be hard to overstate how much Ireland has changed since Pope John Paul II visited in 1979, this is also a very different pope, navigating a different world.

John Paul II, the first non-Italian pontiff in four and a half centuries, rode a historic wave of popularity and became a global symbol of resistance to communism during the Cold War, and in Dublin he drew what was called the largest crowd in Irish history. Vigorous and young by papal standards, at 59, he visited several countries on three continents that year, his first full year leading the church.

He did not stray far from church doctrine, reiterating during his Irish trip the church’s opposition to abortion, contraception and divorce.

Francis, 81, cuts a quieter, less imposing figure, and has aired more liberal views. He has said the church should be less fixated on gays, abortion and birth control, but he has not altered church doctrine on those issues.

— Elisabetta Povoledo

Some critics of Pope Francis couldn’t wait to apply for tickets for his appearances in Ireland — and then not use them.

A protest called “Say Nope to the Pope” encouraged critics of the church to snap up free tickets and then skip the events.

It has gained more than 10,000 supporters on its Facebook page, and has been much discussed on radio, in the papers and on the streets. One protester claimed to have reserved more than 1,000 tickets under various assumed names, including Jesus Christ.

There are plenty of Irish Catholics with grievances against the church — survivors of abuse by priests, women who were forced to give up children for adoption or bury them under mother-and-baby homes, poor people who had no choice but to work without pay in church-run facilities.

And then there are the many Irish who have rebelled against the church and its sway over government policy, or have just drifted away from the faith.

But even some of the critics of Pope Francis and his church find the “Say Nope” protest in bad taste. Elaine Barrett, 29, said she had plenty of problems with the church and looked forward to the day “when it’s taken out of the schools.”

But, she said, she thought it was wrong to deny people who wanted to pray with the pope the opportunity to do so.

Leo Varadkar, Ireland’s prime minister, called the protest “petty and meanspirited.”

— Jason Horowitz

The pope’s visit is centered around the ninth World Meeting of Families, which the church describes as a gathering to reflect upon the importance of marriage and the family at a time when their definitions and boundaries are being contested around the world.

Pope John Paul II called the first meeting in 1994, to coincide with the United Nations’ International Year of the Family, and it has been held every three years since then, each time in a different city. Philadelphia played host in 2015. This year’s meeting is in Dublin and began on Tuesday; the pope will take part in the last two of its six days.

The themes of the meeting have been drawn from Francis’ 2016 apostolic exhortation Amoris Laetitia (The Joy of Love), and reflect some of his enduring concerns: the impact of conflict — from war to domestic strife — on families and children, the role of education in raising people out of poverty, economic and environmental sustainability, and the leadership roles of women. Organizers of the event note that only 20 percent of the speakers and panelists are clergy members.

Francis will deliver a speech to the Festival of Families at Croke Park Stadium on Saturday evening and will celebrate Mass in a park on Sunday afternoon.

— Elisabetta Povoledo

One event at the gathering prompted controversy long before it took place: A presentation on the church “showing welcome and respect” to gay, lesbian, bisexual and transgender people, by the Rev. James Martin, who published a book on the topic last year.

Conservative protesters have gathered at his public readings from the book, “Building a Bridge,” and a petition to ban him from the World Meeting of Families collected thousands of signatures.

But the talk, delivered on Thursday to more than 1,200 people, passed without incident. Mr. Martin, editor-at-large of the Jesuit magazine America, said he spent three hours afterward signing books and talking with people, who were largely supportive of his view.

“One bishop told me, ‘Just the fact that they invited you is a sign,’ ” he said.

In recent years, there has been much debate among Catholics about whether to expand the definition of families to include people who have divorced and remarried, as well as L.G.B.T. people, and of what role such people can play in parishes. Pope Francis welcomed that discussion during two synods on the family, in 2014 and 2015, but there was considerable resistance from conservatives in the church.

“Most L.G.B.T. Catholics feel like lepers in the church,” Mr. Martin said in his talk. Being Christian, he added, means standing up for “the marginalized, the persecuted, the beaten down.”

— Elisabetta Povoledo

An ultraconservative Catholic group, the Lumen Fidei Institute, has been holding a rival gathering in Dublin, criticizing Francis for pushing a “watered-down” version of Christian values and for adopting a more open view about gays in the Church.

Anthony Murphy, founder of the organization, told Crux, a Catholic news service, that bishops had become “embarrassed” to preach the Gospel.

The group, made up of lay people, invited Marton Gyongyosi, the vice-president of Jobbik, a Hungarian right-wing party, to speak about the “Threat of Islam to Christian Europe.”

On Thursday, Mr. Gyongyosi told a packed audience at a hotel, where the goodie bags included a book titled “How to Avoid Purgatory,” that people must “fight against migration,” and against liberal politicians who “don’t accept the Christian values of our civilization.”

Mr. Murphy strongly opposes the liberalization of church views, and said that inviting Mr. Martin to speak at the family gathering had been a “sign of the corruption in the church.”

“It’s ridiculous,” he told Crux. “These men, or are they mice, encounter a world, certainly the Western world, which is turning against God’s plan for family and marriage, and instead of countering that with an authenticity, they water down the truth and they give a message which is politically correct.”

— Kimiko de Freytas-Tamura

Kofi Annan, Diplomat Who Redefined the U.N., Dies at 80

Kofi Annan, a soft-spoken and patrician diplomat from Ghana, who became the seventh secretary general of the United Nations, projecting himself and his organization as the world’s conscience and moral arbiter despite bloody debacles that left indelible stains on his record as a peacekeeper, died on Saturday. He was 80.

His death, after a short illness, was confirmed by his family in a statement from the Kofi Annan Foundation, which is based in Switzerland.

Awarded the Nobel Peace Prize in 2001, he was the first black African to head the United Nations, and led the organization for two successive five-year terms beginning in 1997 — a decade of turmoil that challenged the sprawling body and redefined its place in a changing world.

On his watch as what the Nobel committee called Africa’s foremost diplomat, Al Qaeda struck New York and Washington, the United States invaded Iraq, and Western policymakers turned their sights from the Cold War to globalization and the struggle with Islamic militancy.

An emblem as much of the body’s most ingrained flaws as of its grandest aspirations, Mr. Annan was the first secretary general to be chosen from the international civil servants who make up the United Nations’ bureaucracy.

He was credited with revitalizing its institutions, crafting what he called a new “norm of humanitarian intervention,” particularly in places where there was no peace for traditional peacekeepers to keep, and, not least, in persuading Washington to unblock arrears withheld because of the profound misgivings about the body voiced by American conservatives.

His tenure was rarely free of debate, and he was likened in stature to Dag Hammarskjold, the second secretary general, who died in a mysterious plane crash in Africa in 1961.

In 1998, Mr. Annan traveled to Baghdad to negotiate directly with Saddam Hussein over the status of United Nations weapons inspections, winning a temporary respite in the long battle of wills with the West but raising questions about his decision to shake hands — and even smoke cigars — with the dictator.

In fact, Mr. Annan called the 2003 invasion of Iraq illegal and suffered an acute personal loss when a trusted and close associate, the Brazilian official Sérgio Vieira de Mello, his representative in Baghdad, died in a suicide truck bombing in August 2003 that struck the United Nations office there, killing many civilians.

The attack prompted complaints that Mr. Annan had not grasped the perils facing his subordinates after the ouster of Mr. Hussein.

While his admirers praised his courtly, charismatic and measured approach, he was hamstrung by the inherent flaw of his position as what many people called a “secular pope” — a figure of moral authority bereft of the means other than persuasion to enforce the high standards he articulated.

As secretary general, Mr. Annan, like all his predecessor and successors, commanded no divisions of troops or independent sources of income. Ultimately, his writ extended only as far as the usually squabbling powers making up the Security Council — the highest U.N. executive body — allowed it to run.

In his time, those divisions deepened, reaching a nadir in the invasion of Iraq. Over his objections, the campaign went ahead on the American and British premise that it was meant to disarm the Iraqi regime of chemical weapons, which it did not have — or, at least, were never found.

Iraq also brought embarrassment closer to home when reports began to surface in 2004 that Mr. Annan’s son, Kojo Annan, worked for Cotecna Inspection Services, a Geneva-based company that had won a lucrative contract in a vast humanitarian program supervised by the United Nations in Iraq and known as oil for food.

A commission led by Paul A. Volcker concluded that the secretary general had not influenced the awarding of the contract, but had not investigated aggressively once questions were raised.

The secretary general said he took the commission’s findings as exoneration, but his reputation suffered, particularly in the eyes of adversaries in Washington.

In assessing his broader record, moreover, many critics singled out Mr. Annan’s personal role as head of the United Nations peacekeeping operations from 1993 to 1997 — a period that saw the killing of 18 American service personnel in Somalia in October 1993, the deaths of more than 800,000 Rwandans in the genocide of 1994, and the bloody massacre of 8,000 Bosnian Muslims by Bosnian Serb forces at Srebrenica in 1995.

In Rwanda and Bosnia, United Nations forces drawn from across the organization’s member states were outgunned and showed little resolve. In both cases, troops from Europe were quick to abandon their missions. And in both cases, Mr. Annan was accused of failing to safeguard those who looked to United Nations soldiers for protection.

“Annan felt that the very countries that had turned their backs on the Rwandans and Bosnians were the ones making him their scapegoat,” Samantha Power, an author who later became ambassador at the United Nations during the Obama administration, wrote in 2008. “But he knew that his name would appear in the history books beside the two defining genocidal crimes of the second half of the 20th century.”

Despite the serial setbacks, Mr. Annan commanded the world stage with ease in his impeccably tailored suits, goatee beard and slight, graceful physique — attributes that made him and his second wife, Nane Lagergren, a global power couple.

He seemed to radiate an aura of probity and authority. “How do we explain Kofi Annan’s enduring moral prestige,” the Canadian author, politician and academic Michael Ignatieff wrote in a review of Mr. Annan’s 2012 memoir, “Interventions.”

“Personal charisma is only part of the story,” Mr. Ignatieff wrote. “In addition to his charm, of which there is plenty, there is the authority that comes from experience. Few people have spent so much time around negotiating tables with thugs, warlords and dictators. He has made himself the world’s emissary to the dark side.”

The desire to burnish his legacy seemed to motivate Mr. Annan long after Ban Ki-moon replaced him as secretary general, and he set up a nonprofit foundation to promote higher standards of global governance. In 2008, he headed a commission of eminent Africans that persuaded rival factions in Kenya to reconcile a year after more than 1,000 people were killed during and after disputed elections.

In February 2012, Mr. Annan was appointed as the joint envoy of the Arab League and the United Nations to seek a settlement as civil war tightened its grip on Syria. But he resigned in frustration in August of that year, citing the intransigence of both sides in a conflict that convulsed and reshaped the region and claimed hundreds of thousands of lives.

Kofi Atta Annan was born on April 8, 1938, in the city of Kumasi in what was then Gold Coast and which, in 1957, became Ghana, the first African state to achieve independence from British colonialism. Born into an aristocratic family, he had three sisters, two of them older. The third, Efua, was a twin who died in the 1990s.

After a spell at the elite Mfantsipim boarding school founded by Methodists, he went on to higher education as an economist in Ghana, at Macalester College in St. Paul, in Geneva, and at the M.I.T. Sloan School of Management.

In 1965, he married Titi Alakija, a woman from a prosperous Nigerian family. The couple had two children, a daughter, Ama, and a son, Kojo. The marriage foundered in the late 1970s.

In 1984, Mr. Annan married Ms. Lagergren, a divorced lawyer working at the United Nations. She, too, was a scion of a prominent family, a niece of Raoul Wallenberg, the Swedish diplomat who protected thousands of Hungarian Jews during World War II but disappeared after being captured by Soviet forces. Ms. Lagergren had a daughter, Nina, from her first marriage.

He is survived by Ms. Lagergren, along with Ama, Kojo and Nina.

Most of Mr. Annan’s working life was spent in the corridors and conference rooms of the United Nations, but, he told the author Philip Gourevitch in 2003, “I feel profoundly African, my roots are deeply African, and the things I was taught as a child are very important to me.”

His first appointment with a United Nations agency was in 1962, at the World Health Organization in Geneva. Mr. Annan returned briefly to Ghana to promote tourism and worked in Ethiopia with the U.N. Economic Commission for Africa before returning to the body’s European headquarters.

Later, in New York, he worked at first in senior human resources and budgetary positions, and, in the early 1990s, the former secretary general, Boutros Boutros Ghali of Egypt, appointed him first as deputy, then as head of peacekeeping operations.

The appointment plunged Mr. Annan into a maelstrom of conflicts where United Nations forces were deployed. As genocide approached Rwanda in 1994 — months after the downing of a Black Hawk helicopter in Mogadishu, Somalia, and the killing of American service personnel — the Clinton administration in Washington had little appetite for intervention.

But on the ground, the Canadian commander, Lt. Gen. Roméo Dallaire, heading a modest force of 2,500 United Nations troops, sought permission from Mr. Annan’s office to raid an arms cache that he believed would be used in massacres. Permission was refused. Only years later, after the release of a critical report in 1999, did Mr. Annan declare that “all of us must bitterly regret that we did not do more to prevent it. On behalf of the United Nations, I acknowledge this failure and express my deep remorse.”

In Bosnia, too, the United Nations was accused of being overcautious and restricted by the mandate approved by the Security Council for the establishment of so-called safe havens under United Nations protection that proved, in Srebrenica, to be illusory. European powers opposed airstrikes to halt the advancing Bosnian Serbs, who overran Srebrenica despite the presence of peacekeeping troops from the Netherlands.

Later that year, Mr. Annan seemed to adopt a tougher line, approving the NATO bombing campaign that forced Serbia to the negotiating table for the Daytona peace accords. At that time, airstrikes required a so-called dual key approval of the NATO command and the United Nations.

“When Kofi turned it,” Richard Holbrooke, the former American envoy, told Mr. Gourevitch, “he became secretary general in waiting.” With Washington pressing for the ouster of Mr. Boutros Ghali, Mr. Annan took office as secretary general with American approval on Jan. 1, 1997.

He was, Ms. Power wrote, “the primary guardian of the U.N. rule book,” which insisted on the paramountcy of the Security Council as what Mr. Annan called “the sole source of legitimacy” in approving overseas interventions. Those rules were openly flouted by NATO in March 1999, with its bombing of the former Yugoslavia, forcing Mr. Annan to seek some kind of middle ground.

“It is, indeed, tragic that diplomacy has failed,” he said on the first day of NATO bombing, choosing words that largely defined the dilemmas confronting policymakers throughout and beyond his tenure, “but there are times when the use of force may be legitimate in the pursuit of peace.”

“We will not, and we cannot accept a situation where people are brutalized behind national boundaries,” he continued later as the 78-day aerial campaign ended its second week of efforts to halt a crackdown on ethnic Albanians in Kosovo.

“For at the end of the 20th century, one thing is clear: A United Nations that will not stand up for human rights is a United Nations that cannot stand up for itself.”

In Greece, Wildfires Kill Dozens in Deadliest Blaze in Years

At least 49 people have been killed in fast-moving wildfires outside Athens, officials said Tuesday. As thousands of tourists and residents found evacuation routes blocked by flames, some took to rickety boats to escape.

Gale-force winds, topping more than 50 miles per hour, fanned a pair of fires that tore their way through an area popular with travelers, injuring more than 150 people and leaving a trail of charred resorts, burned-out cars and smoldering farms in their wake.

Greece’s emergency services were stretched to capacity, as more than 600 firefighters were deployed to the sites of the two largest fires, in Rafina, east of Athens, and Kineta to the west. The country’s entire fleet of water-dropping aircraft was deployed on Monday, and officials called on their partners in the European Union for help.

Whole towns were destroyed, locals said, and officials warned that the death toll would rise as emergency workers cleared burned homes and cars, in which some evacuees had become trapped.

“Mati doesn’t even exist as a settlement anymore,” a resident told Skai TV. “I saw corpses, burned-out cars. I feel lucky to be alive.”

Roads into Athens were choked by residents trying to flee, hampering rescuers’ efforts to reach the fires. Penned in by the flames, some looked to the sea to escape, hitching rides on passing fishing boats or resorting to makeshift rafts before the navy began an organized evacuation.

Escaping by sea, however, posed its own deadly challenge: The Greek Coast Guard said it recovered the bodies of at least four evacuees.

On Monday, Prime Minister Alexis Tsipras cut short an official visit to Croatia.

“It’s a difficult night for Greece,” Mr. Tsipras said. “We are dealing with something completely asymmetric.”

Wildfires are an annual occurrence in the hot, dry summer months. But a drought and a recent heat wave, which saw temperatures exceed 100 degrees Fahrenheit, have fueled these fires, Greece’s deadliest in more than a decade. Sixty people were killed in a 2007 blaze that swept through the country’s Peloponnese region.

The fires have so far skirted Athens, leaving the city’s ancient ruins unscathed. The blaze, however, could be seen from the capital and bits of ash fell on the city.

What Is at Stake in Pakistan’s Election?

ISLAMABAD, Pakistan — Pakistanis will go to the polls on Wednesday to elect a prime minister, transferring power from one civilian government to another for only the second time in the nation’s 70-year history.

The election comes at a critical moment for a country of 200 million people and for a region stressed by war. Pakistan is a nuclear state, an antipathetic but important American ally, and one of the largest Muslim-majority countries in the world.

This year’s election could have been an occasion for Pakistanis to celebrate their democracy. Instead, the campaign has been marred by suppression of the news media, accusations of manipulation by the military, a rise in Islamist extremist candidates and a series of attacks on candidates and campaign rallies, including one that killed 151 people.

Here is what you need to know.

Pakistan’s politics have always been messy: The country has routinely toggled between elected governments and military dictatorships, and a prime minister has never completed his or her entire five-year term. But this year’s campaign has been particularly fraught, given the military’s efforts to push the former governing party out of the running.

Despite that manipulation, the election on Wednesday will serve as a kind of referendum on some of the most crucial issues facing the country. Should Pakistan orient its economy toward the West or toward China? Is its democracy robust enough to include extremist candidates who support militancy, or should they be limited? Can the military and the courts be trusted as impartial and objective institutions?

Wedged between Afghanistan, where an American-led war has stretched on for 17 years, and its historic rival India, Pakistan is always at risk of a conflagration. It has served both as a crucial base for American forces fighting in Afghanistan and as a powerful obstacle to those same troops, secretly offering aid and safe harbor to militant groups, including the Taliban and Al Qaeda.

But Pakistan’s problems are not just about regional security — they are also about its ability to provide opportunity for its own people, including a growing class of young and educated Pakistanis. Despite its size and potential, the country’s economy has lagged, and it faces persistent problems with corruption and environmental stress.

As tensions with the United States and other Western countries have intensified — particularly over accusations that Pakistan is not doing enough to curb the Afghan Taliban and other militant groups — Pakistan has increasingly turned to China for aid and support. But that pivot has come with its own problems, including concern over the quickly increasing amount of debt Pakistan is racking up with China.

There are 122 parties fielding candidates in the election. They all promise jobs, social welfare and housing plans. But the overarching theme of the election has become the confrontation between the military and the governing party, the Pakistan Muslim League-Nawaz, or P.M.L.-N. The party accuses the military of intimidating some of its leading figures into defecting to other blocs, and of unfairly supporting a rival candidate, Imran Khan.

Mr. Khan, 65, is a former international cricket star who has promised an alternative to the corruption and the entrenched political dynasties voters associate with the other leading parties. His rivals attribute his surge in the polls to a back-room deal struck with the military, which they claim has worked to undermine the election. Mr. Khan has denied that accusation, chalking up the accusations of meddling to sour grapes.

Mr. Khan, whose success on the cricket pitch made him a household name, has held a seat in the National Assembly for five years but has never run a government. A large number of independent candidates are expected to join his party, the Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf, or P.T.I., if it wins.

Nawaz Sharif, a three-time prime minister, was ousted last year by the country’s Supreme Court. He was convicted of corruption and is now in prison after returning from London this month to be arrested. Mr. Sharif says those court decisions were made under pressure from the military, which opposed his attempts as prime minister to reassert control over the country’s defense and foreign policy.

But his family remains politically powerful. His younger brother, Shehbaz Sharif, 66, is the current president of the P.M.L.-N. and hopes to lead the country. Until recently, he was the chief minister of Punjab, the most populous and prosperous of the country’s four provinces and the party’s biggest source of support.

Bilawal Bhutto Zardari, 29, is the scion of one of Pakistan’s most illustrious and star-crossed dynasties. He is the son and grandson of two former prime ministers, Benazir Bhutto, who was assassinated, and Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto, who was executed. His father, former President Asif Ali Zardari, is considered to wield the real power in the left-leaning Pakistan Peoples Party.

The younger Mr. Zardari is not expected to win, but he could potentially play kingmaker if neither Mr. Khan nor Mr. Sharif receives enough votes to form a government.

Pakistan was recently added to the Financial Action Task Force’s “gray list” of state sponsors of terrorism, increasing pressure on the country to crack down on extremist groups. At nearly the same time, however, the country’s electoral commission was paving the way for more candidates with extremist ties to run for office.

Among the parties seeking seats on Wednesday are Allah-o-Akbar Tehreek, the reconstituted version of a party that officials had previously banned, and Tehreek Labbaik Pakistan, which backs the country’s contentious blasphemy laws.

Trump Meets Putin: Live Updates From Finland

Right Now: President Trump is in Helsinki, Finland, for his first summit meeting with President Vladimir V. Putin of Russia.

President Trump will hold one-on-one talks with Mr. Putin at an exceptionally awkward time — just days after the Justice Department indicted 12 Russian intelligence agents on charges of hacking the Democratic National Committee and Hillary Clinton’s presidential campaign.

The meeting will cap a weeklong trip to Europe in which Mr. Trump’s distaste for diplomatic norms has been made abundantly clear: He caused turmoil at the NATO summit meeting by demanding that allies spend more on defense, suggesting that Prime Minister Theresa May sue the European Union over Brexit and calling the bloc a “trade foe.”

• The meeting will be closely scrutinized for signs of whether Mr. Trump is friendlier to his Russian counterpart than he was to the NATO leaders or to Mrs. May.

• Mr. Putin proposed the meeting in March during a phone call with Mr. Trump, and American officials say the Russian leader desperately needs Washington to ease sanctions that have squeezed his country’s economy and oligarchs.

• American observers on both sides of the political aisle fear that Mr. Trump, who dislikes policy briefings and has said he needs no preparation for the meeting, could be an easy mark for manipulation by Mr. Putin, a former intelligence agent whom Mr. Trump has refused to criticize directly.

• The New York Times has live coverage of his seven-day, three-nation trip, from our White House reporters and European correspondents. Photographs from Mr. Trump’s trip are here.

They’ve called each other and met publicly at least twice on the sidelines of international events: at the Group of 20 summit meeting last July in Hamburg, Germany, and at the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation gathering in November in Danang, Vietnam.

But Mr. Trump and Mr. Putin are holding their first formal summit meeting in Helsinki on Monday.

According to the office of the Finnish president, Sauli Niinisto, the American and Russian leaders will sit down at the 19th-century presidential palace. Some likely topics of discussion: nuclear proliferation, Syria, Iran, Ukraine and Russian election meddling, to name a few.

Finland said it would reinstate border controls for travelers from Schengen countries for four days starting on Friday, to tighten security for the meeting.

It was in the Finnish capital in 1975 that President Gerald R. Ford and the Soviet leader then, Leonid I. Brezhnev, along with other European leaders, signed the Helsinki Accords. The Soviets had pushed for the deal to cement their expanded borders, and Western nations used it to pressure the Soviets on human rights and other issues.

It was also in Helsinki that Mr. Brezhnev offered to help Mr. Ford win the next presidential election, according to a former White House arms control adviser.

Whatever you do, don’t call it a “summit.”

A day before Mr. Trump was to meet with Mr. Putin, Jon M. Huntsman Jr., the United States ambassador to Russia, played down expectations for the encounter, trying to downgrade it to mere “meeting” status as he emphasized that it was more about reducing hostilities than about delivering on specific policy goals.

“It isn’t a summit — I’ve heard it called a summit — it’s a meeting,” Mr. Huntsman said on NBC’s “Meet the Press” on Sunday, noting that there would be no state dinner and no joint statement from the leaders at the end. “This is an attempt to see if we can defuse and take some of the drama, and quite frankly some of the danger, out of the relationship right now.”

Still, the two presidents are expected to hold extensive meetings — including a one-on-one session, another with top advisers present and a working lunch — before they face the news media together.

And when Mr. Huntsman briefed reporters this month to preview the scheduled interaction, he referred to it repeatedly as a “summit,” and called it a landmark event.

“You know, I think the fact that we’re having a summit at this level, at this time in history, is a deliverable in itself,” Mr. Huntsman said at the time. “I don’t exclude that there will be some concrete agreement that will be announced coming out on the other end of the summit.”

Mr. Trump has spent the past few days trying to lower expectations himself, telling CBS in an interview on Saturday, “I go in with low expectations.”

But on Sunday, he parted ways with his envoy to Moscow in a tweet storm from Air Force One in which he lamented that no matter how well the meetings went, he would be criticized afterward.

Mr. Trump called it a “summit.”

— Julie Hirschfeld Davis

There is no giant balloon portraying Mr. Trump as a big angry baby in diapers in the Finnish capital, as there was in London last week and in Edinburgh on Saturday. In Helsinki, the final stop of Mr. Trump’s disruption tour of Europe, he has to share being the target of protesters’ ridicule and rage with Mr. Putin.

Shortly before Mr. Trump arrived in Finland on Sunday, thousands of protesters marched through the center of Helsinki in a display of equal-opportunity anger, directed at both leaders.

“Trump-Putin — the two-headed monster,” read a hand-painted sign carried by Paulina Pepaola, a Finnish woman who joined the march from a park near the central train station to Senate Square. “I am totally against both of them. They are working together. Putin controls Trump.”

Tapio Waren, a businessman in the construction industry, waved a mocking banner reminding the two leaders that Finns, according to opinion polls, don’t think much of their stewardship of world affairs: “The world’s a safer place because of you — think 3 percent of Finns.”

Mr. Waren said that he had nothing against either man personally, but that he hated their policies. “Each one has such terrible policies it is hard to say who is worse,” he said.

A rally in Senate Square at the end of the march brought together so many different people, often with disparate and sometimes contradictory agendas — rights activists, supporters of Ukraine, opponents of President Bashar al-Assad of Syria, champions of L.G.B.T. rights, #MeToo campaigners and evangelical Christians — that the only common thread was the shared dismay that Helsinki was to host the first formal summit meeting between two such unpopular leaders.

“Trump and Putin are not welcome in Helsinki. Go home,” read a banner unfurled outside the colonnaded entrance to Helsinki Cathedral, which dominates the square.

A Finnish musical group, Tuomo & Markus, sent a message of its own, releasing on YouTube a version of Bob Dylan’s 1989 song “Political World.”

“While we believe in constructive dialogue, we strongly oppose to the existing world views and politics of Mr. Trump and Mr. Putin. Human rights, freedom of speech, gender equality nor climate change don’t seem to fit in their vocabulary,” the group said in a statement posted on its website. “Please prove us wrong,” it added.

But not everyone was inhospitable. A Russian-Finnish friendship association, RUFI, announced that it would hold its own rally in Senate Square on Monday to welcome Mr. Putin and Mr. Trump, and “to show our highly placed guests that not everybody in Finland has a negative view of world leaders, that not all thirst for conflict, even war.”

— Andrew Higgins

Juho Rahkosen, a pollster in Finland who says he supports some of Mr. Trump’s policies, wishes he had better news for him but can’t ignore the numbers: The American leader is so deeply unpopular in Finland — a Nordic nation of 5.5 million — that even Mr. Putin has more fans.

A survey commissioned by the magazine Seura and conducted by Taloustutkimus, a leading Finish polling organization, found that 83 percent of Finns — and 91 percent of Finnish women — have a negative view of Mr. Trump, compared with 75 percent for Mr. Putin.

“I am ashamed to have a guest in our country while I am publishing such terrible numbers,” said Mr. Rahkosen, the research manager at Taloustutkimus.

Even supporters of The Finns, a populist, anti-immigrant political party formerly known as the True Finns, don’t like Mr. Trump much, though they are slightly less down on him than is the population as a whole.

“Unfortunately, Finland has extremely negative attitudes towards Trump — I’m afraid there is not much he can do about this,” Mr. Rahkosen added, noting that Mr. Trump displays “somewhat the opposite” of the measured honesty, discipline and trust in global institutions that Finns expect in a leader.

“They think he is some sort of cowboy who writes his own rules,” he said. “This frightens people because they are not used to an American president who writes his own rules.”

Mr. Rahkosen says that he personally likes some things about Mr. Trump and that “Finland, of course, has far more to worry about from Putin and his actions” because it shares an 830-mile border with Russia.

But, he added, “You really need to have guts and courage to admit you like Trump in Finland.”

— Andrew Higgins

That Mr. Trump and Mr. Putin are to meet one on one — with interpreters present but no advisers — has added an element of unpredictability to a high-stakes encounter.

Mr. Trump’s perceived admiration of Mr. Putin, his urging at the recent Group of 7 meeting that Russia be readmitted despite its annexation of Crimea and his efforts to minimize United States intelligence about the impact of Moscow’s cyberattacks on the 2016 election have foreign policy experts and some in the White House wondering what he may give away to Mr. Putin — deliberately or inadvertently.

Dan Coats, the director of national intelligence, on Friday compared the danger of Russian cyberattacks with the warnings the United States had of increased terrorism threats ahead of the Sept. 11 attacks. “The warning lights are blinking red again,” Mr. Coats said. “The digital infrastructure that serves this country is literally under attack.”

He said Russia should be held to account.

Allies including Britain say they welcome the Helsinki meeting, but Mrs. May warned that it must address Russian “malign activity.” (Russia is the chief suspect in an attack using a nerve agent on British soil that led to a woman’s death.)

Some analysts also note that while Mr. Trump abhors briefing memos, Mr. Putin will be well schooled before the meeting. Analysts say the fact that the meeting is occurring at all is already a victory of sorts for the Russian leader.

White House advisers have described the summit meeting as a chance to reset a tense relationship, and Mr. Trump has dismissed concerns, mocking those who point to Mr. Putin’s past as a spymaster, suggesting that he could manipulate the American leader.

“‘You know, President Putin is K.G.B.,’ and this and that,” Mr. Trump said. “You know what? Putin’s fine. He’s fine. We’re all fine. We’re people. Will I be prepared? Totally prepared. I’ve been preparing for this stuff my whole life.”

When their motorcades carry them through the streets of Helsinki, Mr. Trump and Mr. Putin, both fierce critics of the news media, will be treated to a lecture of sorts.

“Mr. President, welcome to the land of free press,” reads one giant digital billboard that toggles between English and Russian. Other signs, more than 280 in all, bear headlines about both presidents’ assaults on journalists.

“Trump calls media enemy of the people,” one reads.

“Putin increases attacks on media,” says another.

The headlines are from Helsingin Sanomat, Finland’s largest newspaper and the sponsor of the advertising campaign that placed billboards along the route from the airport to downtown Helsinki, where the two presidents are to meet.

The paper also produced a video showing Mr. Trump and Mr. Putin lashing out against news organizations, something Mr. Trump did even as Air Force One made its way to Helsinki on Sunday, when he tweeted that “much of our news media is indeed the enemy of the people” and would not give him proper credit for the summit meeting.

“The two presidents are known for their previous attempts to control the media,” reads a subtitle on the video, which calls Finland “one of the highest-ranking countries in press freedom.”

“So,” it concludes, “these headlines are free to tell the truth.”

— Julie Hirschfeld Davis

Trump’s U.K. Visit: A Sedate Dinner, a Bombshell Interview

The tension and uncertainty surrounding President Trump’s trip to Britain reached new heights after the publication Thursday night of a bombshell interview in which he said Prime Minister Theresa May was taking the wrong approach to Brexit, praised her political rival and former foreign secretary, and renewed his feud with the mayor of London.

The president has never shown much affection for diplomatic norms and multilateral institutions, and that was on full display earlier Thursday at the NATO summit meeting in Brussels, where he forced an emergency budget meeting after castigating other members over their military spending.

For the president to criticize and politically undercut Mrs. May, one of his closest international allies, on her home turf is an extraordinary breach of protocol, but if anything seems clear at this point, it is that there is no reason to expect the expected.

• Mr. Trump is scheduled to hold talks and a working lunch on Friday with Mrs. May — followed by tea with the queen — but his interview with The Sun could put a chill on the encounter before it begins.

• Mrs. May has strived to maintain cordial relations with Mr. Trump, mindful of her country’s desire to strike a post-Brexit trade deal with the United States, but he told The Sun that her current approach “would probably end a major trade relationship with the United States.”

• Mr. Trump said at a news conference that “they like me a lot in the U.K.,” but he was greeted with protests on Thursday, and there’s more to come on Friday. He is largely avoiding London, telling The Sun, “When they make you feel unwelcome, why would I stay there.”

• The NATO meeting ended with Mr. Trump reaffirming his support for the alliance, but only after a confrontation in which he said leaders had agreed to increase spending — a claim that at least two European leaders refuted.

• The New York Times has live coverage of his seven-day, three-nation trip, from our White House reporters and European correspondents. Photographs from Mr. Trump’s weeklong trip are here.

Mr. Trump breathed new life into his long-distance, long-running feud with the mayor of London, Sadiq Khan, with his harsh comments on the city and its leader, and the mayor struck back on Friday.

“Take a look at the terrorism that’s taking place,” Mr. Trump told The Sun. “Look at what’s going on in London. I think he’s done a terrible job.” He added, “I think he’s done a bad job on crime.”

Speaking to BBC Radio on Friday, Mr. Khan said he thought it “interesting that President Trump is not criticizing the mayors of other cities” that have experienced terrorist attacks.

That appeared to be a reference to Mr. Khan’s faith — he is among few Muslims serving as mayor of a major Western city, and Mr. Trump has sought to restrict travel to the United States from people from predominantly -Muslim countries.

London has been struggling with an increase in knife crimes, but Mr. Khan said that to blame immigration for the increase was “preposterous.”

Mr. Khan also defended his decision to allow a balloon depicting Mr. Trump as an angry, orange baby to float over Westminister. “Can you imagine if we limited freedom of speech because someone might get hurt?” he told the BBC. As mayor, he said, he “should not be the arbiter of what is in good taste or bad taste.”

The main order of business on Friday for Mr. Trump is a private conversation and working lunch with Mrs. May, who dearly wants to strike a trade deal with the United States as she tries to negotiate Britain’s departure from the European Union.

But Mr. Trump’s interview with The Sun, published Thursday night, overshadowed the meeting and threw some cold water on the prime minister’s hopes.

If Mrs. May persists in seeking a so-called soft exit from the European Union, Mr. Trump reportedly told The Sun, she can forget about a separate pact with the United States.

“If they do that,” the paper quoted him as saying, “then their trade deal with the U.S. will probably not be made.”

He described the prime minister’s approach to Brexit as “very unfortunate,” and said, “I actually told Theresa May how to do it, but she didn’t listen to me.”

He had much warmer words for Boris Johnson, the ambitious British politician who just quit as foreign minister in an open break with Mrs. May, and is seen as one of her primary rivals within the Conservative Party. Mr. Johnson, he said, would “make a great prime minister.”

At the very least, the interview gave Mr. Trump and Mrs. May some things to talk about on Friday.

British newspapers, especially the tabloids, know a good story when they see one, and the release of President Trump’s interview with The Sun dominated the front pages. A sampling of the headlines:

The Sun, which is owned by Rupert Murdoch’s News Corp., proclaimed under a banner trumpeting the interview, “May has wrecked Brexit … deal is off!”

The Times of London, which is also owned by News Corp. but generally takes a more restrained approach, said, “Trump: May’s soft Brexit will kill chance of US trade deal.”

The Daily Mail described it as the “President’s Brexit Attack on May,” while another tabloid, the Daily Mirror, took a briefer approach that nonetheless managed to make its point: “Donald Thump.”

The Guardian has compiled a roundup of the pages here.

Protesters across from the ambassador’s residence, where the Trumps were staying the night, unleashed a “wall of sound.” It featured the cries of children detained by U.S. immigration authorities, as well a relentless stream of slogans, whistles and the banging of pots and drums.

As the presidential helicopter descended on the grounds of the ambassador’s residence in Regent’s Park, preparing to whisk Mr. Trump away to a black-tie dinner in a secluded palace outside the capital, protesters raised a cry.

British authorities had set up a metallic cage around the ambassador’s residence, where President Trump stayed overnight, as part of his security.

On Thursday, activists gave a taste of the protests planned on Friday, though the crowd thinned out after the president left for the dinner at Blenheim Palace.

Organizers hope to mount the biggest weekday demonstration in Britain since protests against the Iraq War more than a decade ago. Hundreds of protesters chanted and waved signs outside Blenheim Palace on Thursday night, when Mr. Trump was there for a gala dinner, and protests are planned for other stops on his visit.

“He needs to be called out,” said Harley Day, 23, a college student who joined the Regent’s Park protest after classes. “His bigotry, his sexism, his Islamophobia, his general xenophobia and crass inability to empathize.”

(Ceylan Yeginsu looks at the less-than-friendly greetings being planned for the president in Britain.)

Mr. Trump recommitted the United States to support for NATO, a bedrock of Western security policy for generations, on Thursday, comments that at least temporarily calmed fears that he might move toward dismantling the alliance.

“The United States commitment to NATO is very strong, remains very strong,” he said at a news conference in Brussels. “I believe in NATO.”

But if Mr. Trump’s public remarks were friendly, the tone behind closed doors was much harsher. Officials from other countries voiced fears that even if he had not broken an alliance that was first formed in 1949 to contain the Soviet Union, he had thrown some sand in its gears.

According to a person briefed on Mr. Trump’s meeting with other NATO leaders, Mr. Trump said that if the other countries did not increase military spending to 2 percent of their economic output by January, the United States “would go it alone.”

But within a few hours, Emmanuel Macron, the French president, and Giuseppe Conte, Italy’s prime minister, said the allies had simply agreed to keep a 2014 commitment to increase military spending to 2 percent of gross domestic product by 2024.

“A communiqué was issued yesterday,” Mr. Macron told reporters after the meeting in Brussels. “This communiqué is clear. It reaffirms the 2 percent by 2024 commitments. That’s all.”

Mr. Conte said: “Italy inherited spending commitments to NATO, commitments that we did not change, so no increase in spending. As far as we’re concerned, today we did not decide to offer extra contributions with respect to what was decided some time ago.”

Angela Merkel, the German chancellor, said that her country would consider more spending, but she said nothing about any new commitments. And she undercut the notion that reconsideration of Germany’s defense budget was due simply to American pressure.

— Katie Rogers, Julie Hirschfeld Davis and Steven Erlanger

Other NATO leaders mostly refrained from responding to Mr. Trump’s disdain and criticism, but the body language at the summit meeting said plenty, and it was not a message of warmth and harmony.

[Read more about the awkwardness of the summit meeting here.]

As the leaders walked to the site of a group photograph, many of them chatting easily with one another, Mr. Trump hung back, with the president of Turkey, Recep Tayyip Erdogan.

When they took their assigned spots, Mr. Trump stood near the center, but his counterparts mostly ignored him, giving him no more than sidelong glances, even as several of them continued conversing.

A number of news organizations noted the awkwardness, drawing rebukes from White House aides, who called it “fake news.”

Hours after Mr. Trump castigated Germany, he met with Chancellor Angela Merkel, then the two of them briefed reporters on their conversation. The president smiled and spoke of a “very, very good relationship;” the chancellor did not. — Katie Rogers

American presidents have long pressed their NATO counterparts to increase military spending. But Mr. Trump’s insistence that the other nations owe money misstates how the alliance works, and the figures he cites are misleading.

(Our reporters fact-checked the president’s claims on the financial relationship between the United States and other NATO countries.)

NATO has a budget to cover shared costs and some equipment used in joint operations, and all 29 member countries contribute to it. None of the allies has failed to pay its contribution.

Mr. Trump’s complaint is that, while NATO member countries have agreed to spend at least 2 percent of their gross domestic products on military spending, most do not. But none has violated that agreement, because the 2 percent figure is a target to be reached by 2024.

According to NATO, all members have significantly raised military spending since 2014, and eight are expected to meet the goal this year.

Mr. Trump tweeted on Monday that the United States accounted for 90 percent of military spending by NATO countries, but the alliance says the real figure is about 67 percent. And most American military spending is not NATO-related.

Even so, the organization says on its website, “There is an overreliance by the alliance as a whole on the United States for the provision of essential capabilities, including, for instance, in regard to intelligence, surveillance and reconnaissance; air-to-air refueling; ballistic missile defense; and airborne electronic warfare.”

— Julie Hirschfeld Davis and Steven Erlanger

Mr. Trump’s first summit meeting with the Russian president will be parsed for countless layers of meaning.

The West’s stance toward Russia is, as always, a central topic at the NATO meeting, and the United States’ European allies are worried that Mr. Trump aims to reduce the American security role in dealing with Moscow.

Russia is waging a proxy war against Ukraine, has forcibly annexed part of that country, has meddled in other nations’ elections, gives crucial support to the Syrian president, Bashar al-Assad, and stands accused of using a chemical weapon on British soil.

Mr. Trump’s 2016 campaign is under investigation for links to Russia, and Mr. Trump, who is quick to aim a barb at almost anyone else, has been reluctant to criticize Mr. Putin. Yet he and his aides bristle at accusations that he is not tough enough with the Kremlin.

The meeting with Mr. Putin will be closely analyzed for signs that Mr. Trump is friendlier to his Russian counterpart than to the leaders he is meeting in Brussels.